The Unknown Loṅkā Tradition and the Cultural Unconscious (3)

Posted: 03.03.2016
Updated on: 04.03.2016

LOṄKĀ'S THIRTY-FOUR PROCLAMATIONS

The second manuscript, No. 4121, contains only one text, Luṅkā nī Huṇḍī 34 Bol (=LH), Loṅkā's list of thirty-four assertions,[194] which gives thirty-three examples from the commentaries for significant deviations from the scriptures under the label of apavāda, or exception. The statements No. 1-25 criticise various points of the Niśītha Cūrṇī, which cannot be found in the Nisīha, No. 26 does the same for the Uttarādhyayana Vṛtti, No. 27 for the Vyavahāra Vṛtti, Nos. 28-33 for the Āvaśyaka Niryukti, and the last section for the Prajṭāpanā Vṛtti. The underlying ordering principle of the diverse list of topics is the reference to the five mahāvratas. More than one example is given for excuses for the exceptional use of violence in self-defence (Nos. 1, 22, 26); for the violation of the vow on nonpossession (Nos. 3, 4); for the violation of the vow of not taking what is not given (Nos. 2, 18, 28, 29); for the violation of the vow of celibacy (Nos. 14, 15, 23);[195] and for using living objects such as water, fire, earth, food, plants, etc., in various contexts. Because the text focuses only on explicit discrepancies between canonical and post-canonical monastic law, and on the use of prāyaścittas for normalising transgressions (No. 23), image-worship is not mentioned at all, and neither are issues of contemporary practice. Interestingly, both the Vavahāra and the Āvassaya Sutta are implicitly referred to, which are often cited in the modern secondary literature as the two texts whose canonical status may have been disputed between the early Loṅkāgaccha and the Sthānakavāsī traditions.[196]

LOṄKĀ'S FIFTY-FOUR QUESTIONS TO THE IMAGE-WORSHIPPERS

The fifty-four rhetorical questions Whose tradition is that? (Te Keha nī Paramparā Chai?),[197] which are appended to the Aṭhāvan Bol in the L.D. Institute Ms. 2989, effectively ask (like some of the Aṭhāvan Bols) whether any of the listed practices (not beliefs), which must have been prevalent amongst the image-worshipping Jaina traditions of the time, are backed up by the "root" scriptures.[198] Since the answer is assumed to be "no" in all cases, the main function of the questions is to provide summary criticism of the key shortcomings of the addressees of these questions, which in accordance with the etiquette of the praśnottara genre are not explicitly mentioned. Fifty-two almost identical questions which were attributed to Loṅkā were published in Hindī in the fourth edition of Muni Jeṭhmal's (1930: 14f.) polemical work Samakitasāra.[199] The content of this slightly shorter list overlaps to a large extent with K, but comprises some extra questions, which points to the existence of other recensions which are yet to be unearthed, or to later interpolations.[200] The original text (K) can be translated as follows:

The tradition is written. Someone says, Śrī Vīra's tradition says this. Where is that?[201]

1. To cause images to be made and to be installed (maṇḍāvai) in the house, whose tradition is that?[202] To buy male and female disciples (celā-celī), whose tradition is that?[203]

2. To give initiation to small children, whose tradition is that?[204]

3. To change the name (to give a different name at the time of initiation), whose tradition is that?

4. To cause the ear to be extended (vadhārai), whose tradition is that?[205]

5. To venerate (viharai) the forgiving guru (in the presence of symbols), whose tradition is that?[206]

6. To amuse oneself (viharai)[207] sitting in the householder's house, whose tradition is that?

7. To go every day to the same house (for food), whose tradition is that?[208]

8. To ask (someone) to take a bath, whose tradition is that?[209]

9. To make use (prajuṃjai) of the secret of astrology, whose tradition is that?

10. To tell the future, whose tradition is that?[210]

11. To cause a reception to be held at the time of entering into a town, whose tradition is that?

12. To consecrate sweets, whose tradition is that?

13. To cause the worship of religious books, whose tradition is that?

14. To cause the performance of saṅghapūjā, whose tradition is that?[211]

15. To perform installation ceremonies (of idols), whose tradition is that?[212]

16. To give books during paryuṣaṇa, whose tradition is that?[213]

17. And to sell pilgrimages, whose tradition is that?[214]

18. And to give a certain amount,[215] whose tradition is that?

19. And to bind garlands made of vegetation to arched gateways, whose tradition is that?

20. To keep specially prepared food (ādhākarma) for the ascetics in the poṣadhaśālā,[216] whose tradition is that?[217]

21. To create the impression of the importance of the scriptures but not reading them, whose tradition is that?[218]

22. To cause decorative pavilions (for images) to be constructed, whose tradition is that?[219]

23. To cause the fast in the name of[220] "Gautama" to be performed, whose tradition is that?

24. To cause the "Saṃsāratāraṇa" (vow to be taken), whose tradition is that?[221]

25. To cause the "Candanabālā" fast to be performed, whose tradition is that?[222]

26. To cause the "ladder of gold and silver" (sonā rūpā nī nīsaraṇī) to be created, whose tradition is that?[223]

27. To cause the "Lākhā Paḍavi" to be performed, whose tradition is that?[224]

28. To cause gifts to be given (ḍhovarāvai) to celebrate the end of a fast (ūṃjamaṇā), whose tradition is that?[225]

29. To cause the pūjā to be recited,[226] whose tradition is that?

30. To cause the "Aśoka-tree" (āso vṛkṣa) to be supported (bharavāi),[227] whose tradition is that?[228]

31. To cause the eightfold bath (aṭṭhottarī snātra) to be performed, whose tradition is that?[229]

32. To cause fresh rice and fresh fruit to be offered in front of an image, whose tradition is that?[230]

33. To put sandalwood powder[231] on the head of laymen and laywomen, whose tradition is that?

34. To be involved[232] in the search for possessions, whose tradition is that?[233]

35. To cause the laity to offer a head tax (pāīṃ mūṇḍaka) before ascending a hill (pilgrimage site), whose tradition is that?[234]

36. To place garlands (on persons or idols), whose tradition is that?[235]

37. To permit laymen and laywomen to walk together (during pilgrimages) by foot, whose tradition is that?[236]

38. To cause the "Nāndi"[237] to be erected, whose tradition is that?

39. To cause foot prints (shrines) (padīka cāṃka) to be built, whose tradition is that?

40. To put powder (bhūko) into the water, whose tradition is that?[238]

41. To cause worship (vāndaṇā) to be offered, whose tradition is that?[239]

42. To move the broom (oghā) (in front of the idols), whose tradition is that?[240]

43. To keep the deva dravya, whose tradition is that?[241]

44. To wear a long covering garment (pacheṛī) down to the feet, whose tradition is that?[242]

45. To accept the sūrimantra, whose tradition is that?[243]

46. To recite the sūrimantra every day, whose tradition is that?[244]

47. To shine in starched[245] (white clothes), whose bright tradition is that?

48. To cause the "Bairakanhai" fast to be performed during paryuṣaṇa, whose tradition is that?[246]

49. To cause a waterpot (ghaḍūlā) to be made, whose tradition is that?[247]

50. To cause the āyambila olī fast to be performed together with the siddhacakra (pūjā), whose tradition is that?[248]

51. To hold a ceremony of mourning (ūṭhamaṇuṃ)[249] after the death of an ascetic, whose tradition is that?

52. To cause the swinging of the images (of the fourteen dreams of Mahāvīra's mother) to be performed, whose tradition is that?[250]

53. To create a decorated table (ṭhavaṇī) in front of the feet (of an ascetic or an image),[251] whose tradition is that?

54. To perform the pratikramaṇa on the fourth day (of the second lunar fortnight) of paryuṣaṇa, whose tradition is that?[252]

Notably, the questions are addressed to a Jaina mendicant, not to the laity, and imply a mendicant perspective. The basic question, whether any of the fifty-four listed beliefs and practices corresponds to the teachings of the root scriptures seems, at first sight, to reflect an attitude of a-temporal lay-inspired scriptural literalism which deliberately ignores the commentary traditions of the teachers of the mendicant lineages.[253] However, a closer view reveals that Loṅkā may not have rejected commentaries per se, especially not those (such as the later vernacular ṭabos) which merely explain the meaning of the sūtras themselves, but only commentaries or parts of commentaries whose contents do not correspond at all to the teachings of the root scriptures. Mālvaṇiyā 1964: 377f. argued that this interpretation is supported by the fact that the two Mss. which have been attributed to Loṅkā make use of all available Jaina scriptures and commentaries. Further evidence for a positive attitude toward the commentaries in the aniconic Jaina tradition can be found in the published Sthānakavāsī and Terāpanth Āgama editions which make explicit use of all commentaries in order to establish the literal meaning of the sūtras themselves, though some modern monks, such as Upādhyāya Amarmuni, argue that because of their condensed nature the sūtras are intrinsically polyvalent and can therefore only be interpreted symbolically.[254] In contrast to Mālvaṇīya's view that the canon of thirty-two was codified after the emergence of the Sthānakavāsī orders, there is evidence that Loṅkā himself advocated for a restricted canon of thirty-two scriptures in Bhānucandra's Dayādharma Caupāī v. 19 of 1521/2, though, if Mālvaṇīya's source Dharmasāgara's Pravacanaparīkṣā of 1572/3 can be believed, it had not been canonised one hundred years later. According to Kāpaḍiā (1941/2000: 38, 53), even the current Mūrtipūjaka classification of forty-five scriptures emerged sometime after the 14th century. The construction of alternative Āgama classifications in the late medieval period thus appears to be generally a product of sectarian politics, predicated on the emergence of a new style of text-oriented critique in "reformed" gacchas and gaṇas.

The fifty-four questions are de facto commentaries themselves, whose contents have in parts been canonised in the aniconic tradition. Their rhetoric may be literalist and fundamentalist, but they function as means of innovation and of canonisation, since they censure certain customary practices which back them up, while favouring others which are not explicitly mentioned. The fluidity of the usage of textual allusions is illustrated by Loṅkā's objection to child initiation (K2) which contradicts the canonical Vavahāra 10.16f.,[255] and by the fact that the equally rejected custom of changing names at the point of initiation (K3) is nowadays practiced by several Sthānakavāsī traditions,[256] and by the Terāpanthīs. Since much of the meaning of the fifty-four questions is contextual and implicit, their interpretation must remain tentative. However, the collection and analysis of similar lists from the same period, as studied by Dundas (1999) and Balbir (2003a; 2003b), may in future produce a clearer view of the sectarian faultlines in the 15th and 16th centuries.

 

LOṄKĀ'S TEACHINGS ACCORDING TO MODERN STHĀNAKAVĀSĪ SOURCES[257]

With the publications of Mālvaṇiyā and Hastīmal, in particular, fruitful comparisons between the early beliefs and customs of different aniconic traditions are rendered possible for the first time. Of special interest is the reconstruction of the early development of the Loṅkāgaccha for which still hardly any evidence exists. For the present investigation of the effective history of Loṅkā the comparison between "Loṅkā's" writings and versions of his teachings transmitted within the Sthānakavāsī tradition is important, as are preliminary observations on the differences between the customary law (maryādā) of the early Sthānakavāsī traditions and "Loṅkā's" proclamations.

To my knowledge, in addition to the paraphrases in Jeṭhmal (1930), only two texts are currently available on Loṅkā's rules in the Sthānakavāsī secondary literature. One was published by Sādhvī Candanākumārī (1964: 102)[258] and the other by Gulābacanda Nānacanda Seṭh (1970: 703f.).[259] This is somewhat surprising, given the importance of Loṅkā as the founder of the aniconic Jaina traditions. However, a recent survey by the present writer has shown that most of the ancient sources of the comparatively sparse literary output of the aniconic traditions before the 20th century has either been lost or not been catalogued or used. Even the writings of the founders of the Sthānakavāsī traditions have not been preserved in their original form. It is therefore not surprising that no literary traces of the debates between the followers of the Loṅkā traditions and the Sthānakavāsī (and Terāpanth) traditions have been discovered to date.[260] Candanākumārī (1964: 102) writes that several manuscripts of the regulations (niyama) which Loṅkā himself composed for the Loṅkāgaccha mendicants (sādhu-sansthā) can be readily found in old Jaina libraries. She therefore decided to publish only a selection of eleven particularly "useful" rules in summary form in Hindī under the title Loṅkāgaccha kī Sāmācārī (LS).[261] Without acknowledgement of the source, her list was republished in Gujarātī by Muni Prakāścandra (1998: 31) of the Līmbḍī Moṭī Pakṣa.

The code of conduct of the Loṅkāgaccha[262]

1. Only the Sanskrit commentaries (ṭīkā) which agree with the scriptures are acceptable as authoritative.

2. One should live a steadfast disciplined life in agreement with the scriptures.

3. One should live a steadfast disciplined life in agreement with the scriptures.

4. Genuine, pure vegetarian food can be accepted from every family [caste].

5. It is not necessary for anyone to set up the symbols of the monastic order (sthāpanācārya) [for worship].[263]

6. During the vows of upavāsa,[264] etc., absolutely all types of lifeless (prāsuka) water can be accepted.

7. The one-day fast (upavāsa) can even be performed on days other than the lunar holy days (parva-tithi).[265]

8. There is no need for monks to practise the skills of mantra-tantra and yantra, etc.

9. Laymen can beg, but cannot receive religious gifts (dāna).

10. To give gifts (dāna) to the poor due to the feeling of compassion is not a sin (pāpa), but rather the cause of merit (puṇya).

11. There is no need to keep a staff (daṇḍa).[266]

If this list was indeed composed on the basis of primary literature, then the information must have been selected from all the texts that have been attributed to Loṅkā to date. The critique of the validity of the Jaina commentary literature in point one, for instance, is mainly discussed in the Loṅkā n ī Huṇḍī 34 Bol, and the locus classicus of Loṅkā's critique of image worship is the text Luṅkā nī Aṭhāvan Bol. Candanākumārī's method of extraction and her utilitarian criterion of "contemporary relevance" offers a glimpse into the rational of the strategies of selection, exegesis and transmission of chosen elements of the doctrinal tradition and of the customary law within the aniconic Jaina mendicant traditions.

A second Sthānakavāsī source for the rules and regulations of Loṅkā was published by Gulābcand Nāncand Seṭh (1970: 703f.), a poet who was hired to write down the results of the extensive historical research of Muni Cauthmal (died 1951) on the life of Ācārya Jaymal, which was completed by the munis Cāndmal (1908-1968), Jītmal and Lālcand, who in 1964 split from the Śramaṇasaṅgha in protest against the controversial institutional reforms of Ācārya Ānandṛṣi, and founded the independent Dharmadāsa Jayamala Sampradāya.[267] The bulky text, entitled Jaydhvaj, was published with the aim of strengthening the sectarian identity of the newly established tradition. The publication was supported by the influential Ācārya Hastīmal, who in 1968 also separated himself from the Śramaṇasaṅgha to re-establish the Ratnavaṃśa as an independent order. Hastīmal (1968) had already published a collection of paṭṭāvalīs of the Loṅkāgaccha tradition and of the Sthānakavāsīs, and systematically researched the history of the aniconic Jaina tradition during the following two decades.[268] The following twenty points (LN) which Seṭh attributes to Loṅkā have been summarised by him in Hindī without any reference to the original source. The introductory sentence only mentions that Loṅkā prepared this sāmācārī in Saṃvat 1531 (1474/5 CE) in order to prevent the rise of śithilācāra, or laxity, amongst the sādhus of Bhāṇā's newly created Loṅkāgaccha:[269]

1. Even without having completed the upadhāna fast one can study the scripture.[270]

2. From the point of view of religion, worshipping the Jina image is not in the forty-five scriptures.

3. Apart from the root aphorism (sūtra), the scripture (āgama) and the root teaching (śāstra), joined together with the Sanskrit commentaries (ṭīkā), other scripture and Sanskrit commentary is not to be believed in any respect.

4. It is forbidden to practice magical skills (vidyā).

5. The fast day (poṣadha) [and the] ritual of repentance (pratikramaṇa) is performed according to individual custom.

6. Apart from cāturmāsa, one can also use a seat (pāṭa) [during the rest of the year].[271]

7. One should not keep a staff.

8. One can possess books.[272]

9. Paying attention to genuineness and purity, one can collect alms from every family.

10. A layperson (śrāvaka) can also perform the almsround (gocarī).

11. A layperson (śrāvaka) cannot accept a religious gift (dāna).

12. During fasting (upavāsa pratyākhyāna) one can take lifeless whey (āch) of buttermilk.[273]

13. Poṣadha can even be performed without practising a one-day fast.[274]

14. A one-day fast (upavāsa) can even be performed on days other than the lunar holy days (tithi parva).

15. One can take the vow of a one-day fast together (in a group).

16. One should not enumerate the auspicious days (kalyāṇaka) amongst the lunar days (tithi).[275]

17. The day on which one takes a milk product, on that day one should not use hard (dvidala grains).[276]

18. It is not necessary to set up a sthāpanācārya

19. Within forty-eight minutes (do ghaṛī) life is generated in waste water (dhovana).[277]

20. From a religious understanding, to give a gift (dāna) to an unworthy one (apātra) must be violence (to give to a poor person out of compassion is not the cause of the fault of one-sidedness (ekānta pāpa)).[278]

The list overlaps to a great extent with Candanākumārī's, and may indeed have served as the immediate source for Candanākumārī's selection of useful points. In many cases the wording is almost identical. Another indication is that Seṭh's list is much more detailed, and must have been available to Candanākumārī, because it was apparently composed by Muni Cauthmal, who died in 1951, although it was published much later.[279] It is an intriguing but currently unanswerable question whether all of these rules go back to Loṅkā, or Bhāṇā, or whether at least some of these rules have been created by subsequent Loṅkāgaccha or Sthānakavāsī writers. Rule 2 states wrongly that worshipping images is not mentioned in the "forty-five" scriptures.

 

LOṄKĀ AND KAôUĀ

As indicated in the footnotes, most, but not all, points of the two largely overlapping lists concur with topics of "Loṅkā's" texts L, LH and K, and can be said to be historically akin to Loṅkā's teachings. However, certain points, particularly on gift giving and jīvadayā (see infra), seem to be later additions,[280] while many of the more intricate points in Loṅkā's texts have been left out altogether. Although the wording sometimes differs, the contents of Candanākumārī's list (LS) are entirely covered by Seṭh's list,[281] which confirms its derivative nature. The two lists have only few issues in common with the reported maryādās of three of the founders of the Sthānakavāsī tradition, Dharmasiṅha, Lava, and Dharmadāsa.[282] But many points mirror Kaḍuā's rules, which were, as Jṭānsundar (1936: 327, n. 4, etc.) suspected, probably formulated in contradistinction to Loṅkā's rules or vice versa. Though they differ in certain details, many of the transmitted rules of Loṅkā and Kaḍuā address similar issues. The main common topics are "ascetic"[283] rituals for the laity, such as the pratikramaṇa, sāmāyika, upadhāna, and poṣadha, which is often discussed in connection with the upavāsa fast. However, because both authors discuss many areas of monastic conduct as well, which do not overlap, it cannot be inferred from this that the followers of either Loṅkā and/or Kaḍuā were advanced householders, or yatis, and not mendicants. If the two Sthānakavāsī lists are considered together ("Loṅkā's" writings), the following picture emerges with regard to the lay rituals:

Both Loṅkā and Kaḍuā advocated the performance of the pratikramaṇa ritual, according to individual (LN 5) and group custom, not scripture (there are no pratikramaṇa texts in the Āgamas). However, Loṅkā (K 58) determined that, in accordance with the scriptures, the saṃvatsarī pratikramaṇa should be performed on the 5th bhadrapāda, not on the 4th bhadrapāda as Kaḍuā (following the Tapāgaccha custom) prescribed (KS 4). Contrary to the scriptures, Kaḍuā also fixed the pākṣika pratikramaṇa for the 14th of every lunar fortnight, not for the 15th (KS 3), and additionally adopted the tristuti formula (KS 11), which has been introduced by the Āgamikagaccha into the pratikramaṇa.[284]

Loṅkā (K 8) and Kaḍuā (KS 6) also agreed that the sāmāyika should be performed repeatedly. But only Kaḍuā asserted that the laity should use a muhapattī during the ritual (KS 5), and should recite the īryāpathika ā locanā after the first sāmāyika (KS 15).

The poṣadha is the topic of many points. It is usually discussed together with the topic of the one-day-fast (upavāsa).[285] Both Loṅkā (LS 7) and Kaḍuā (KS 7) determined that poṣadha can be performed repeatedly according to individual preference (LN 5), even outside the parvan days, on which it is obligatory.[286] However, Kaḍuā (KS 13) prohibited the consumption of all food or water during the fast (upavāsa), whereas Loṅkā permitted the use of all types of lifeless water, and of the whey (āch) of buttermilk, the use of which was/is prohibited in many Sthānakavāsī traditions.[287] Kaḍuā stressed particularly that women can also perform poṣadha (KS 11). Loṅkā emphasised that one upavāsa can be performed together in a group (LN 15).

The statements KS 11 and LN 15 may refer to the collective upadhāna fast as well. The upadhāna is an extended poṣadha (cum study) exercise, that was propagated by Loṅkā and Kaḍuā, who both however rejected the ceremonial garlanding of the tapasvīns with flowers at the end of the fast (K 36, KS 9), as performed by the Mūrtipūjakas. At the time, the upadhāna must have been performed either with or without studying, otherwise Loṅkā would not have highlighted that one can study the scripture "even without having completed the upadhāna fast" (LN 1); although his rule may also reflect customary prohibitions for studying certain texts without prior fasting.

The principal difference between Kaḍuā and Loṅkā, according to the lists published by Seṭh and Candanākumārī, was that Kaḍuā, who assumed an intermediary position between Loṅkā and the Mūrtipūjakas (especially the dominant Tapāgaccha), also propagated image-worship (KS 1, KS 20),[288] though rejecting the installation (pratiṣṭhā) of images by monks rather than laity (KS 2). Kaḍuā also advocated the veneration of the sthāpanācārya (KS 10), which Loṅkā rejected as a "worship of dead objects" (LS 5, LN 18). These differences can be explained in terms of fundamentally different attitudes to the scriptures, because Kaḍuā accepted the authority of the post-canonical calendar,[289] and maybe (though there is no evidence) defined the auspicious days (kalyāṇaka) as moon days (tithi) which Loṅkā explicitly criticised (since this would artificially reduce the number of fast days) (LN 16), and commentaries such as the Āvaśyaka Cūrṇī (KS 13, KS 15) or the Bṛhatkalpabhāṣya (KS 8) which Loṅkā had rejected (L 57, LS 1),[290] though both referred to the "seniors" of the canon as the main source for monastic conduct (KS 18).[291]

 

CONCLUSION: REMARKS ON COMPASSIONATE GIVING

One of the most controversial issues in the aniconic Jaina tradition is the question of the origins of the so-called dāna-dayā theory, the doctrine of the religious value of the protection of life through charity and active compassionate help, not only to Jainas but to all living beings. Under Ācārya Bhikṣu, the Terāpanth tradition split from the Sthānakavāsī Dharmadāsa Raghunātha Sampradāya because it believed that such actions contributed only to the accumulation of puṇya, but nothing to the reduction of the overall karmic load. From the absolute point of view (niścaya naya), therefore, compassionate help is an impediment to ultimate salvation, and in this sense a sin (pāpa). The Terāpanthīs tend to claim that Loṅkā already rejected the dāna-dayā theories of the Mūrtipūjakas and Sthānakavāsīs, and that they are presently the only aniconic tradition which still pursues Loṅkā's neo-orthodox point of view. It seems that the text Loṅkejī k ī Huṇḍī was published deliberately      by the Terāpanth tradition in the mid-1930s, when the sectarian disputes within the Jaina community peaked, to prove this point. By contrast, many contemporary Sthānakavāsīs believe that Loṅkā was the originator of their own interpretation of the dāna-dayā theory, which promotes merit-making through dāna for financing gośālās rather than temples, although Jṭānsundar (1936: 210, n. 1) and other critics of the aniconic tradition argued, with reference to early Mūrtipūjaka polemics against Loṅkā, that it must have been one of the early leaders of the Loṅkāgaccha who introduced this doctrine, since Loṅkā rejected the religious merit of gift giving altogether (for purposes other than sustaining the subsistence of worthy mendicants), though L commends the sponsorship of upāśrayas.[292] At the same time, most modern commentators underline that Loṅkā himself was not an initiated monk, and that even the early Loṅkāgaccha ascetics may have been yatis, half-ascetics in the modern sense, rather than sādhus and sādhvīs, and thus must have stood with one foot in the world.[293] This remains an open question, although Loṅkā's own writings suggest that Loṅkā himself was vigorously opposed to a semi-ascetic lifestyle (L8 and LH whose structure is informed by the mahāvratas). The example of contemporary Digambara bhaṭṭārakas[294] indicates that even yatis tend to be paṭca-mahāvratis, they simply do not observe the rules strictly, or interpret them slightly differently, not unlike the aṇuvratas for the laity.

Of particular interest in this context are the three statements concerning compassionate gift giving (dāna-dayā) in the two Sthānakavāsī summaries of "Loṅkā's" teachings, LS and LN. For these statements, no equivalent assertions can be found in "Loṅkā's" texts L, LH, and K, which use dayā dharma and jīva dayā merely as synonyms of ahiṃsā dharma.[295] The rules LS 4 = LN 9 describe in a straightforward way that a renouncer can collect food from all families, without regard to caste and class, if the food and the manner of giving correspond to the canonical rules.[296] This contrasts both with the rule No. 75 of 101 Bol of the Kaḍuāgaccha which prohibits the renouncers to visit houses of followers of the Loṅkāgaccha,[297] and with the Mūrtipūjaka preference for vaṇik (vāṇiyā) households as expressed in rule No. 2 of the Paĩtīs Bol (PB) of 1526/7 of the Mūrtipūjaka reformer Ācārya Ānandvīmalsūri (1490-1539).[298] The texts ascribed to Loṅkā himself remain silent on this point.

Rules LS 9 = LN 10+LN 11 are more puzzling. They state that "a layperson" can perform gocarī in the manner of an ascetic, but cannot receive dāna in the manner of an ascetic. How can this be understood? The use of the term gocarī rules out non-religious contexts of begging which are addressed in LS 10. The most likely explanation points to the definition of the intermediary stages between householder and mendicant, since the religious status of Loṅkā and the Loṅkāgaccha ascetics was disputed from the beginning in the literature. In the eleventh pratimā, or stage of spiritual progress for the laity, a lay person should renounce all business of the world, has the head shaven, is clad in a mendicant's garment, carries a broom (rajoharaṇa), and a begging bowl (pātra), and performs the begging round, though technically not in the same manner as a monk (Williams 1983: 178-180). This means that although a layperson who took the vow of the eleventh pratimā performs the almsround in exactly the same way as a mendicant, technically s/he does not qualify for being a worthy receiver (supātra) for a religious gift (dāna) which generates a destruction of karma (and the accumulation of puṇya karma) on the part of the giver.

The rules concerning giving must have been created or selected from an unmentioned source by the Sthānakavāsīs to clearly demarcate the status of a properly initiated mendicant from an advanced householder or (Loṅkāgaccha) yati.[299] A material gift can, after all, also become a means of material enrichment. This explanation corresponds well to LN 20, which is addressed not to the receiver but to the giver. The first part states: "From a religious understanding, to give a gift (dāna) to an unworthy one (apātra) must be violence". This statement coincides with the conventional view presented in the Āgamas and in the Śrāvakācāra literature.[300] However, rather than representing the summary of a statement of "Loṅkā", the second part of the assertion (in brackets) seems to introduce a new argument, which lends support to the dominant Sthānakavāsī position in the debate with the Terāpanthīs on the nature of the pure gift (śuddha dāna), seen from the transcendent (niścaya) and conventional (vyavahāra) perspectives: "to give to a poor person out of compassion is not the cause of the fault of onesidedness" (ekānta pāpa).[301] In contrast to the first part of LN 20, the equivalent formulation LS 10 in the list of Candanākumārī is not entirely consistent with the previous rules on giving, by eliminating the brackets and by using the unqualified term dāna[302] for the compassionate giving to the "poor" (garīb), while avoiding the doctrinal term kupātra: "To give gifts (dāna) to the poor due to the feeling of compassion is not a sin (pāpa), but rather the cause of merit (puṇya)". This interpretation contrasts both with the Terāpanth distinction between lokottara dāna and laukika dāna and with the conventional Sthānakavāsī interpretation of religious charity, which also stresses the suboptimal, if sometimes acceptable, character of giving to a kupātra or apātra. Given the subsequent life-course of the author Candanākumārī, the founder of the reformist Vīrāyatan group of nuns who engage in social work in the manner of Christian nuns,[303] it must be assumed that the word dāna was used intentionally in an unqualified form. It should be interesting to trace the origins of this belief in anukampādāna, a concept which is mentioned already in the canonical texts òhāṇa 10.475 and Viyāhapannatti 304b but re-projected and attributed to Loṅkā within the Sthānakavāsī traditions which now regard it as their own distinctive teaching. The contemporary Loṅkāgaccha tradition itself has lost all written sources and retains no cultural memory anymore on the doctrinal views of Loṅkā or the earlier Loṅkāgaccha ācāryas.

 

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APPENDIX I:

Keha nī Paramparā Chai – Text in Old Gujarātī[304]

paramparā likhīiṃ chaiṃ, ketalā eka ima kahai chai śrī vīra nī paramparā ima kahai chai, te kihāṃ chai.[305]

1. ghariṃ pratimā ghaḍāvī maṇḍāvai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?[306] – celā celī vecānā leī teha keha nī paramparā chai?[307]

2. nānhā chokarā nai[308] dīkṣā dii chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

3. nāma[309] pheravai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

4. kāṃna vadhārai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

5. khamāsamāsaṇa[310] viharai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

6. gṛhastha (nī) gharaiṃ baisī[311] viharai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

7. dīhāḍī dīhāḍī[312] 2 teṇai[313] ghariṃ viharai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

8. aṅghola[314]kahai[315] kare,[316] te keha nī paramparā chai?

9. jyotiṣa nai marma prajuṃjai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

10. kalavāṇī karī āpai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

11. nagara māhiṃ paisatā paiṃ sāru sāhamuṃ karāvai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

12. lāḍūā pratiṣṭai[317] chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

13. pothī pūjāvai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

14. saṅghapūjā karavai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

15. pratiṣṭā karai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

16. pajūsaṇaiṃ pothī āpai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

17. tathā yātrā vecai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

18. tathā mātra āpai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

19. tathā ghāṭaḍī donuṃ toraṇa[318] bāṃghai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

20. ādhākarma posāliṃ rahai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

21. siddhānta prabhāvanā pākhai na vāṃcai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

22. māṇḍavī karāvai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

23. gautama paḍagho[319] karāvai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

24. saṃsāra-tāraṇa karāvai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

25. candanabālā nu tapa karāvai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

26. sonā rūpā nī nīsaraṇī karāvai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

27. lākhāpaḍavi karāvai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

28. ūjamaṇā[320] ḍhovarāvai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

29. pūja pūḍhāiṃ chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

30. āsovṛkṣa bharāvi[321] chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

31. aṭṭhottarī sanātra karāvi chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

32. navā ghāna navā phala pratimā āgali ḍhoi chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

33. śrāvaka-śrāvikā nai māthai vāsa ghālai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

34. parigraha ḍhūṇḍha māṃ bāṃdhai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

35. śrāvaka pāīṃ mūṇḍakuṃ apāvī ḍuṅgara caḍhāvī[322] chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

36. mālāropaṇa karai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

37. padīka śrāvaka śrāvikā suṃ bhelī jāiṃ chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

38. nāndi maṇḍāvai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

39. padīka cāṅka bāṃdhai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

40. pāṇi māhiṃ bhūko[323] muṃkai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

41. vāndaṇā divarāvai[324] chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

42. oghā pheravai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

43. devadravya rākhai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

44. pagai lāgai nīcī pacheḍī oḍhai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

45. sūrimantra leiīṃ iṃ chai,[325] te keha nī paramparā chai?

46. dīhāḍī sūrimantra gaṇai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

47. kalapaḍā ṭhaṭai[326] chaiṃ, te keha nī paramparā chai ūjalā?

48. pajūsaṇa māhiṃ bairakanhai tap karāvai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

49. ghaḍūlā karāvai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

50. āṃbila nī olī siddhacakra nī karāvai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

51. mahātamā nāla[327] karā pachī te ūṭhamaṇuṃ karai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

52. pratimā jhūlaṇuṃ[328] karāvai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

53. padīka āgali ṭhavaṇī[329]māṇḍai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

54. pajūsaṇa parva nai cauthaiṃ[330] paḍikamai chai, te keha nī paramparā chai?

 

APPENDIX II:

Loṅkā's assertions according to Candanākumārī 1964 in Hindī  

1. āgam-sammat ṭīkāoṃ ko hī prāmāṇik mānā jāy.  

2. āgam ke anusār dṛṛhatāpūrvak samyamoṃ jīvan vyatīt kiyā jāy.

3. dharmdṛṣṭi se 'pratimā-pūjan' śāstra-sammat nahīṃ hai.

4. śuddha sāttvik śākāhārī pratyek kul kā āhār liyā jā saktā hai.  

5. sthāpanācārya kī sthāpanā kī koī āvaśyaktā nahīṃ hai.  

6. upavās ādi vratoṃ meṃ sabhī prakār kā prāsuk jal liyā jā saktā hai.

7. parv-tithi ke binā bhī upavās kiyā jā saktā hai.  

8. sādhuoṃ ko mantra-tantra tathā yantra ādi vidyāoṃ kā prayog nahīṃ karnā cāhie.  

9. śrāvak bhikṣā kar saktā hai, par dān nahīṃ le saktā.  

10. dayā bhāv se garīboṃ ko dān denā pāp nahīṃ hai, apitu puṇya kā kāraṇ hai.  

11. daṇḍ nahīṃ rakhā jānā cāhie. 

 

APPENDIX III:

Loṅkā's Sāmācārī according to Seṭh 1970 in Hindī

1. upadhān tap kiye binā bhī śāstra-abhyās karāyā jā saktā hai.  

2. jin pratimā kī dharma-dṛṣṭi se pūjā karnā 45 āgamoṃ meṃ nahīṃ hai.

3. mūl sūtra, āgam aur mūl śāstra, samasta ṭīkāoṃ ke sivāy anya āgam evaṃ ṭīkā sarvathā amānya hai.

4. vidyā kā prayog niṣiddha hai.

5. pauṣadh pratikramaṇ svatantra rīti se karnā.

6. cāturmās ke sivāy bhī pāṭ kā vyavahār jā saktā hai.

7. daṇḍ nahīṃ rakhā jānā cāhiye.  

8. pustakeṃ rakhī jā saktī haiṃ.  

9. sātviktā aur śuddhi kā dhyān rakhte hue pratyek kul meṃ gocarī kī jā saktī hai.

10. śrāvak bhī gocarī kar saktā hai.  

11. śrāvak dān nahīṃ le saktā.

12. upavās pratyākhyān meṃ chāch-pānī kī āch prāsuk le sakte haiṃ.

13. binā upavās ke bhī pauṣadh kiyā jā saktā hai.  

14. tithi-parv ke binā bhī upavās kiyā jā saktā hai.  

15. ek sāth upavās paccakkhe jā sakte haiṃ.

16. kalyāṇakoṃ ko tithi meṃ nahīṃ ginnā cāhiye.

17. jis din goras liyā jāy us din kaṭhor (dvidal dhānya) kā prayog nahīṃ honā cāhiye.  

18. sthāpanācārya kī sthāpanā anāvaśyak hai.  

19. dhovan pānī meṃ do ghaṛī ke anantar jīvotpatti sambhav hai.  

20. apātra ko dharma buddhi se dān dene se hiṃsā hotī hai (anukampā se garīb ko denā ekānta pāp kā kāraṇ nahīṃ hai). [331]

 

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