Power and Insight in Jain Discourse VIII

Posted: 17.02.2016
Updated on: 19.02.2016

— VIII —

In this essay, I proposed a theoretical interpretation of syncretic processes as forms of symbolic communication, broadly following Habermas' analyses of systematically distorted and latent strategic action, predicated on the work of Grice and sociolinguists such as Hymes, Gumperz, Fishman and Brown and Levinson. The advantage of this perspective, compared to classical hermeneutics, is that social processes within a religious tradition do not have to be understood in terms of an enactment or actualising appropriation of textual meaning, or of rule-specification, but can be investigated as open historical processes for which religious knowledge and linguistic repertoire serves as cognitive resource, which can be used for the pursuit of either power or insight. To the extent that cognition and discourse are historically relevant, production of social meaning and co-operation can be understood in terms of the conditions of acceptability of validity claims. Rarely do human insight and instrumental rationality take precedence over habit and contingencies of life. GADAMER's (1993: 244) objection to Habermas' 'idealisation of the critical power of reflection' and reasons in discourse is therefore justified. However, Habermas' theory of communicative action is more narrowly concerned with a critique of both latent strategic action and mediated systemic forms of social reproduction, without illusions about the overwhelming factual role of power and indeterminacy in contemporary social processes. FOUCAULT's (1981: 56) more radical attack on the repressive aspects of discourse as a form of power itself, especially discourses informed by the 'will to truth' backed up by exclusionary mechanisms, nevertheless puts its finger on a crucial problem in both moral philosophy and organised religion. Habermas' theory of communicative action certainly does not properly account for the poetic 'world-disclosing' function of language, nor for the historical conditions of the theorisation of the 'universal' validity claims itself, which it merely takes as a primitive given of 'successful' prosaic communication. Both SEARLE (1993: 91 f., 99) and APEL (1993: 52 f.), despite their differences, criticise the hidden essentialism of this approach as 'functionalist' (in an old-fashioned sense), and suggest that the acceptance of validity conditions is a contingent 'perlocutionary effect' of the strategic attempt of getting the hearer to agree—an attempt which initially only commits the speaker (as the Jain example shows). Moreover, Habermas' original approach privileges the educated classes, and neglects empirical cases of reaching agreement or dissent through open strategic uses of language. Yet, the alternative reduction of validity to an effect of universally present 'empirico-transcendental' power in Foucault's or similar theoretical scenarios currently en vogue in Jaina Studies forecloses the possibility of problematising legitimacy once and for all. This, however, seems unwise, not least because, empirically, the sources of power and legitimacy often do not coincide. This is one of the reasons why DUMONT's (1980: xxxi) distinction between (political) power (pouvoir) and (religious) potency (puissance) has gained currency in South Asia research.

Classical Jainism derives its legitimacy ontologically from the presumed direct meditative insight of its omniscient prophets (tīrthaṅkara) into the eternal truth of existence (sat), i.e. the difference between self (jīva) and non-self (ajīva). Those who know, who have experienced direct insight, it is said, share an experiential consensus which transcends discourse and rational argument. However, discourse and argument is necessary for the dispersion of religious knowledge amongst the ignorant, although, initially, it can only facilitate first experiences of insight (samyag-darśana) by providing some of its conditions through instruction, but not generate insight itself. For Jain doctrine, insight is a psychophysical event which is unexplainable, a mysterious transformation of consciousness, which may or may not occur, once karmic bondage is weakened and religious knowledge fuses with personal experience. Paradigmatic activating conditions of insight are temporary feelings of peace accompanied with 'instructing' experiences of loss, suffering, or the sight of a saint. Verbal instruction (upadeśa) and suggestion (dhvani) may also provoke sudden insight (as a perlocutionary effect).[330] In practice, it usually does so only after a previous history of interaction, involving rational argument and agonistic debate, which prepares the epistemic ground for 'true' or 'dogmatic' insight, which may then be triggered circumstantially, for instance by fitting experiences.

I have not discussed the metaphysics and the psychological conditions of religious experience in this essay,[331] especially not the hypothetical experiences of the Jinas, but confined myself to the analysis of the conditions of understanding and accepting Jain religious claims as legitimate (Einsicht) and of fulfilment of their pragmatic implications. My argument rests on the observation of a principal two-stage process of Jain religious conversion: first, largely through agonistic discourse, based on rational argument, and, second, largely through non-agonistic instruction.[332] Although, in principle, an initiated disciple 'cannot say "no"' (BLOCH (1975: 19)) to transmitted Jain doctrine anymore after the 'initial acceptance of the code' (BLOCH (1975: 24)), and subsequently receives religious instruction from his seniors predominantly in the mode of unquestioned conformity to revealed fundamental truth,[333] debate and rational argument continue on the basis of the accepted ontological and organisational principles (TS 9.25). In other words, although it is predicated on the acceptance of the validity of ultimately incommunicable evidence or feelings, Jain religious discourse, too, is confined to the level of conventional truth (VN), because 'whatever is beyond the province of speech is inexpressible (or unspeakable)' (TULSÎ (1985: 190)). According to the proposed model, Jainism appeals to rationality and insight in different ways on both idealtypical developmental stages of conversion, and constitutes a kind of therapeutic discourse, which thrives on the interpretation of experience through a pedagogical scheme of explanation, which runs contrary to everyday perceptions and opens up new perspectives, thus inevitably generating ambiguity by 'splitting the codes' (TURNER (1986: 56))[334] and thereby producing the potential for a transformation of meaning and, subsequently, conduct.

Because the appeal to rationality is predominant in Jain discourse, which conventionally contrasts the three jewels (ratna-traya) of right insight (samyag-darśana), right knowledge (samyag-jñāna) and right conduct (samyak-cāritra) to 'blind ritualism',[335] it seemed legitimate to privilege the perspective of the ascetics in this essay, which are trained in Jain doctrine. The importance of their power of persuasion for the continuation of the Jain tradition is a universal topos of Jain narrative and biographical literature. There, the problem of the moral ambivalence of religious rhetoric is explicitly addressed as a form of necessary violence (āvassayahiṁsā <āvaśyaka-hiṁsā>), to be repented by means of the obligatory ascetic rites (āvaśyaka). I have not discussed technical Jain theories of suggestion, implication, figures of speech, or narrative genres, nor any particular linguistic exchange in the manner of the ethnography of speaking, but concentrated on the principles of Jain discourse itself, particularly the ones concerning the illegitimacy of 'unnecessary violent' (anāvassaya hiṁsā) speech. In this way, I hope to have shown how structures of traditional authority together with the constraints of given circumstances directly or indirectly pre-empt processes of negotiated meaning by channelling them in a certain direction. Even if the principles of rational inquiry are upheld by Jain doctrine,[336] open critical inquiry as defined by the theory of communicative action in not possible within the confines of the traditional religious institutions.

The comparison between the theory of communicative action and Jain discourse ethics showed nevertheless significant similarities. Both approaches are rule-oriented, not goal-oriented. That is, they are concerned with the general interest of many, not with the eudaemonic perspective of a single actor, despite the fact that the methods of universalisation are different. The respective ideals of consensus and non-violence mutually implicate each other. Basic non-violence is presupposed by communicative action, and the general interest of all is presupposed by universal non-violence. Though the criterion of generalisability, equal interest, is not theorised in Jain philosophy, and only touched upon with reference to specific negative rights such as the privileged case of the universal interest in avoiding pain,[337] the scope of the moral universe is extended from humanity to all living beings, whose essential spiritual equality is a fundamental principle of Jaina philosophy.[338] The vanishing points of both theories, the ideal consensus of an infinite community of interpretation and the ideal omniscient observer, presuppose absolute knowledge and absolute consensus. Yet, there are two significant differences. The main difference between the transcendental pragmatics of mutual recognition and the monadological Jain ethics of non-violence concerns the nature of the fundamental principles. The former is predicated on positive norms and the latter on norms of prohibition.[339] The implicit method of universalisation of Jain ethics is the double negation, that is, the negation of non-generalisable statements. The resulting priority of physical non-action as a theoretical limiting case (not as a practical maxim) unburdens the doctrine of discussions of specific dilemmas of norm application, thus safeguarding both generalisability and contextual determinateness, while maintaining a perspective of disengagement with the world and non-specific positive duties. The second main difference between the two types of discourse ethics concerns the moral division of labour presupposed by Jain norms of discourse, which does not permit equal communicative freedom to take positions on validity claims, but privileges institutionally verified competent speakers (āpta).[340] Having emerged under historical conditions of normative inequality, Jain discourse ethics is not at all concerned with questions of human justice, only with negative individual freedom.

Dumont and Marriott posed the question whether Jainism, built from the same materials as other South Asian religions, can be interpreted as a blueprint for the formation of 'strategic groups', for instance by being connected with a set of specific procedures or dominant strategies, which are derived either from the structure of its dominant ideological codes jīva / ajīva and ahiṁsā / hiṁsā and / or the characteristic social position of its dominant lay-followers. Put in this way, any answer of the question must be vulnerable to the critique of socio-cultural 'essentialism' as 'ahistorical' and 'reductionist'. But to ask which principles and procedures the Jains themselves regard as 'essential' for the validation of their own politics of cultural synthesis remains indispensable. At least five derivative, and still accepted, paradigmatic pragmatic orientations for contexts of interaction between mendicants and non-mendicants can be isolated on the basis of the Āyār and the DVS: (1) impersonalisation, (2) nominalisation (objectivation), (3) degrees of non-speech, silence, and selective non-interaction, and (4) avoiding disagreement by presupposing common ground. All these strategies leave a speaker with a number of defensible interpretations which are technically neither true nor false (satyāsatya) and therefore useful to gloss over gaps between the often contradictory doctrinal and contextual implications of a speech act. The first three strategy types are those of negative politeness, which generally emphasise the mutual autonomy and non-interference of the interlocutors, for instance, by transforming directives into assertives. The last strategy type is a specific instance of positive politeness strategies, which are used to avoid conflict (and thus violence). For the same purpose off-record strategies are employed, which are considered as legitimate forms of symbolic violence, if used for the furtherance of religious insight. The overall result of this preliminary investigation of Jain discourse resonates with PAINE's (1981: 3) and BRENNEIS'–MYERS' (1984: 12) observation that in many societies, especially in those without elaborated hierarchies or structures of open coercion, conflict or contradiction, while often endemic, is rarely discussed openly, and expressed confrontation or coercion avoided through indirect speech, oriented toward the creation or maintenance of co-operation and the attainment of basic consensus, without saying so. Of course, not only particular speech acts but even the Jain maxims themselves can be read as generalised strategies, because they embody a certain directionality or orientation toward the world. The differentia specifica between the elements of Jain ontology and those of the culturally dominant religious systems of Hinduism, then, opens up negatively determined spaces for a distinct style of communicative action and rhetorical manipulation with characteristic multiple ambiguities and syncretic effects to be studied by future sociolinguistic investigations of Jain discourse.

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