Nāth And Dādūpanthī Critique Of Jains

Posted: 02.11.2017
Updated on: 16.11.2017

1. Critique of Jains in vernacular religious literature[1]

In northern Indian vernacular literature of the early modern period ideological difference and rivalry between religious groups were articulated in a number of literary forms. Especially three of these come to mind, namely, debate on doctrinal differences, hagiography, and blame. While the various forms may blend, they are usually distinguishable as trends and more often than not by their stereotypes. This paper focuses on blame, which castigates deficits of the other and pronounces moral claims that the author explicitly or implicitly sees fulfilled in his own group. Blame has a cousin in the genre of instruction to one's disciples, for teachers point to bad examples. Both, blame and instruction, may also be articulated in the same composition. Both again are related to other literary forms, such as formal catalogues of religious prescriptions and proscriptions. Vernacular literature shares this with its Prakrit and Sanskrit ancestors. Blame is strongly stereotyped which makes it hard, if not hazardous, to extrapolate from a composition heaping blame on adversaries to social reality. Compositions articulating blame often appear as satire, which in visual representation has a counterpart in caricature (Habighorst 2012).

The acid quality of literary blame may obfuscate that it can hardly be taken to fully reflect the relations between rival groups. Harsh criticism and more conciliatory forms of contact may very well coexist and take each their own course.[2]

This paper focuses on the critique of the Jains as articulated by two authors and first circulated in Rajasthan. One is a Nāth, named Prithīnāth, and the other a Dādūpanthī by the name of Rajab. The Nāth composition may be from the sixteenth century, while the Dādūpanthī one is from the seventeenth. While they have for their target the Jain sādhus, notably Śvetāmbara sādhus, the Dādūpanthī text makes also swipes at the Jain laity, seen to be duped by the sādhus or duping one another. Both texts are written in a variant of western Hindi in which Braj Bhāṣā, the eastern Rajasthani, and proto-Khaṛī Bolī Hindi blend. Prithīnāth's text is here edited and translated for the first time, while Rajab's is translated for the first time.

In early modern Rajasthan, all the three mentioned religious groups were powerful. The Jains had been been established in western India since ancient times and with a number of wellconstituted branches, while little is known of the social organization of the Nāths, who composed the vernacular texts preserved in manuscripts from the seventeenth century. In western India, however, the symbiosis of Jains with Nāths can be traced back to ancient times, with Jain sacred places often occupying the same space as Nāth sites or superseding these. Illustrative of this is the fact that both Nāths and Jains claim Pṛthvīnātha and Neminātha as their ancestors (White 1996: 119). Three facts about the Nāths of the early modern vernacular tradition can be taken as established. One is that all of them shared in a long-standing religious and literary tradition which is evidenced by the great uniformity of the topics, style and terminology of their works. Another is that they were adherents of a religion that put emphasis on the interior journey leading to liberation in the esoteric body and being supported by the yogic practice of breath control. Conversely, they rejected exterior emblems of Nāth yogis following another tantric tradition of physical practice and emphasizing feats performed allegedly thanks to supernatural powers. The third fact is that all those Nāths have an affinity to the bhakti religion as it was propagated by the Sants. Nāths are more often than not defined as Śaivas. This is no longer tenable for the Nāths appearing as authors of the vernacular compositions. Their tradition reveals no doubt Śaiva roots, and its yogic terms reflect this: Śiva is the supreme self integrating the individual self; the state of supreme perfection is the union of Śakti and Śiva, and in the topography of the esoteric body this is located at Śivapurī or Kailāsa. In its devotional thrust, however, the Nāth tradition of the vernacular texts hardly any longer relates to sectarian Śaivism. The supreme Self is often named Nirañjana, a term converging with Sant terminology. H.P. Dvivedī (NSB, p. 19) aptly stated that the various branches of Nāthyoga that were allegedly started by Gorakṣanātha comprised all sorts of religions, which all shared the commitment to yoga.

In Rajasthan, manuscripts of Sant literature have been preserved from about the turn of the seventeenth century. Up to the eighteenth century, Sant manuscripts were in their great majority Dādūpanthī manuscripts.[3] In these, by an often hierarchically arranged sequence of texts and by express reference to Nāths in individual compositions, these figure as revered forebears of Dādū and his followers. Not the Nāths, whose state of constitution as an order at that time is quite unclear, but the Dādūpanthīs were the first to disseminate both entire corpora of vernacular Nāth literature together with Dādūpanthī and other bhakti literature, notably in one and the same manuscript. The most famous among these Nāth works first transmitted by the Dādūpanthīs is the Hindi Gorakh-bānī (GB). There prevails thus an interdependence between Nāths and Dādūpanthīs. Like that of all other Sants, the Dādūpanthīs's bhakti rests on the Nāth tradition, while the Nāth tradition of the vernacular compositions as they appear first in Dādūpanthī manuscripts represents an accommodation to Sant bhakti.

The frictions between the groups that triggered blame from the pen of Nāths and Dādūpanthīs arose from social and religious differences. Numerous of these are clearly reflected in the texts under review and will be discussed below. Broadly speaking for the case of Jains and Dādūpanthīs, a shared trading caste constituency and thereby rivalry for patronage must have been a social cause of friction. For rivalry between Jains and Nāths, this may have developed as a general stance in the course of their shared ancient history. With so little known about the organization of the Nāths who produced vernacular literature in the period prior to the seventeenth century, acute cases of social friction between these and the Jains cannot be pointed to at the present state of research.

Jain traders and money-lenders enjoy a broadly shared bad reputation for their greed and lack of commiseration with the poor.[4] While this does echo in Rajab's text, it is not in the focus of either of the texts, which address the vices of mendicants rather than laymen.

Explaining the relationship between Jains, on the one hand, and Nāths and Dādūpanthīs, on the other, as a dichotomy between upper versus lower castes remains inexhaustive. Jains are of course dominated by a trading caste constituency, while Nāths and Dādūpanthīs jubilantly boast of their social inferiority and rejection of orthodox Hindu mores. Moreover, to distinguish them further from the Jains, if not in terms of high versus low, there were both Nāth and Dādūpanthī Muslims. As for "inferiority" or being "low-caste," however, this is paraded by both Nāths and Sants as a badge for eligibility for salvation. It is deceptive to identify this straightaway with social identity. For the Dādūpanth, we know that in the first century of its existence, its constituency comprised Hindus and Muslims and castes ranging from Brahmans to artisans. Both the Nāths and the Sants possess impressive literary traditions, and of the Dādūpanthīs we know that scribal skills were also the property of sādhus from other than the typical scribal groups, such as Brahmans, Kāyasths and traders. The oldest available Dādūpanthī manuscript, for example, was scribed by a Jāṭ (Strnad 2016: 562). Caste did not automatically determine the intellectual and social parameters of the personalities that shaped the Nāth or Sant religious culture.

The two texts targeting the Jain mendicants come from the milieu of religious specialists. Prithīnāth may or may not have been a sādhu, but took great pains to set off the ideal sādhu from the religious fraud. This concern runs through his entire oeuvre. The very term sādhu need not be limited to a monk but can also refer to the ideal devotee regardless of his station in life. The doctrine and practice Prithīnāth expounds in his verse treatises may have concerned the sādhu in the technical sense of the word rather than the layman. Prithīnāth's oeuvre was transmitted first and perhaps exclusively in the monastic tradition. For Rajab, he was a direct disciple of Dādū and a monk.[5] The circulation of both texts must have been limited to relatively narrow sectarian confines. As a part of his collected works, Prithīnāth's text made it into Dādūpanthī manuscripts, but so far has not been traced outside of these.[6] Rajab's text seems not to have been circulated in manuscripts outside of the Dādūpanth. While at least Prithīnāth rhetorically turns to the Jains, Rajab expressly addresses a Sant audience. I would argue that their critique of the Jains was intended by both authors to admonish their own disciples not to stray from the path laid out for them by their gurus. The Jains served as the negative foil on which the Nāths' and Dādūpanthīs' religious righteousness was projected. Blame, satire, and slander lend themselves to present oneself in the brightest light so that the other is blackened by the darkest shadow. In a striking manner they emphasize sectarian bonds, boost the morale, or at least provide entertainment. Religious blame is an age-old genre and its evergreen popularity calls for repetition, perhaps also without imminent cause. A sādhu of some literary aspiration would not only learn how to compose distichs and songs, but also texts of "instruction" (upadeśa) and, its cousin, blame.

Nāths and Sants shared in the pursuit of brahman-gnosis and accordingly demanded that the seeker revert his attention from the world to the interior. They rejected the religious norms of orthodox Hinduism (varṇāśrama-dharma), and replaced them by their own norms. To them, orthodox religious norms and practice were pointless if the practicioners of these lacked the one essential property: insight into brahman. Proper insight would reveal that the superior Self and the self were one. The Nāths' and Sants' commitment to nondualism clashed with the principles of Jain religion. According to them, the Jains hold false ideas and are notorious hypocrites, because they do not go by the compass of brahman-gnosis. As has been pointed out by Paul Dundas (2001: 231f.),

[e]xtreme forms of behavior indicating an attempted direct engagement with some variety of unconditioned or unmediated reality seem to have been advocated only within those South Asian traditions that had nondualism as an ideological basis. The Jains, pluralist realists throughout their intellectual history, have consistently rejected nondualism and its philosophical affine, monism, whether of Hindu or Buddhist provenance, as equivalent to idealism.

The texts of Prithīnāth and Rajab are cases in point of this doctrinal difference aggravated by social issues.

 

1.1. Religious blame: A cliché and its early modern variants

Nāths and Sants were derisive of the representatives of the sum total of religions beyond the pale of their own creeds. According to them, those religions were represented by a bunch of fools and hypocrites. The totality of religious systems they called the "six religions," literally the "six views" (ṣaṭa darasana), a term reminiscent of the conventional list of six major philosophical systems, but not identical with these.[7] When enumerated, the items of the list are found to vary, but Jain mendicants are never missing. In his Bhaktamāl (1660), the Dādūpanthī hagiographer Rāghavdās is seen to use the rubric ṣaṭa darasana to comprise saṃnyāsīs, Nāth yogīs, Buddhists - though in fact he only mentions the Buddha -, jaṅgamas, Jains, and śaikhs (Muslims).[8] In Rajasthan, the term "six views" for the totality of religions was so common that it it figured in the designation of an office and in a religious title. In Mewar, the office in charge of religious institutions was designated as the "office of the six views," and, for example in Jaipur, the honorary title "king of kings of the six views" conferred upon a high-ranking religious dignitary.[9]

There was a minimal cliché that captured the "six religions," and this could be elaborated on in endless variation, often to remarkable satirical effect (Horstmann 2012). Two instances of this, one from a Nāth and the other from a Dādūpanthī author, will do for illustration:

Prithīnāth (16th century) says,[10]

Forming ideas on the six religions and six learned men The days pass by.

And Dādū (d. 1603) says,[11]

Yogīs, jaṅgamas, sevaṛās, Buddhists, saṃnyāsīs amd shaikhs, In the absence of Rām, Dādū, the six religions are garbs of fraud.

This cliché and variants of it had come down to the Nāths and Sants from various sources, which spanned the oral and written tradition. The more or less flexible cliché that we find in vernacular literature can for example be traced back to a passage in Bāṇa's Harṣacarita (7th cent.). That passage cannot be broken down to the grid of a cliché but is at least reminiscent of the frozen popular cliché. The same passage may also go some way to explain the transition from "six views" to "totality of religions." Bāṇa describes a motly crowd of holy men and contrasts this with the equipoise of the serene Buddhist monk Divākaramitra. This description has the satirical potential often found exploited in the cliché relating to ascetics as we find it in vernacular Nāth and Sant literature. In the relevant passage, the holy men are thronging to receive instruction from Divākara, and King Harṣa also goes to meet him (HC-CT, pp. 235-37):

Then in the middle of the trees, while he was yet at a distance, the holy man's presence was suddenly announced by the king's seeing various Buddhists from various provinces seated in different situations, - perched on pillars, or seated on the rocks or dwelling in bowers of creepers or lying in thickets or in the shadow of the branches or squatting on the roots of trees, - devotees dead to all passion, Jainas in white robes, white mendicants,[12] followers of Kriṣṇa, religious students, ascetics who pulled out their hair, followers of Kapila, Jainas, Lokāyatikas, followers of Kaṇāda, followers of the Upaniṣads, believers in god as a creator, assayers of metals, students of legal institutes, students of the Purāṇas, adepts in sacrifices requiring seven ministering priests, adepts in grammar, followers of the Pañcarātra and others besides, all diligently following their own tenets, pondering, urging objections, raising doubts, resolving them, giving etymologies, disputing, studying, and explaining, and all gathered here as his disciples.

In the cited passage, Jains are mentioned as wearers of white robes (śvetapaṭa) and thereby identifiable as Śvetāmbara sādhus,[13] and as those who pull out their hair, but they are also ranged more specifically with followers of particular philosophical tenets. They form a fluid rather than a systematically defined category. Another feature of the quoted passage is that it distinguishes between categories of seekers of instruction: One is that of ascetics, another that of philosophers, yet another that of a variety of specialists like assayers of metals and so forth, and finally one of the specialists of various ritual systems. The passage indicates that rather than to systemize, the aim of Bāṇa was to emphasize an abundance of religious styles. The expression of abundance, more often than not satirized as an abundance of follies, has remained the chief function of the corresponding cliché that we find in vernacular religious literature. Interesting in the cited passage is the mentioning of the representatives of particular religiousphilosophical systems, for the description of their category may have formed one among the trajectories along which the term "six views" became a short-hand term for "all religions."

More than any other tradition, the tantric tradition of the Siddhas as it is represented by the authors united in the Apabhraṃśa Dohākośa and Caryāgītikoṣa is fundamental to both Nāth and Sant literature.[14] This is not to say that those Apabhraṃśa works are related to these literatures by a lineal genealogy. First of all, the Siddhas' identity is elusive; secondly, Nāths and Sants name as Nāth Siddhas hardly any of the authors known from those two works but recognize as their own masters and spiritual ancestors, respectively, an additional number of Nāth Siddhas of a later period, and, thirdly, the authorship of the compositions in both the Apabhraṃśa works and the vernacular Hindi tradition is ascribed rather than factual, and ascriptions to authors are also floating.[15] The nine Nāth Siddhas mentioned in vernacular genealogies have been attested since about the thirteenth century, but besides these, many more Nāth Siddhas are mentioned in Hindi texts (White 1996: 92f.; NSB: 3–5). The floating tradition of couplets and songs lent itself to being connected with the great names of the past or was indeed adapted to their own needs by individual vernacular Nāth authors. The reason why the venerable figures of the past were conjured up to authenticate much younger vernacular compositions must probably be sought in the evolution of distinct lineages in their name that became ultimately known as the Twelve Paths of the Nāths.

In the Dohākośa, Saraha is the author whose religious critique is most expansive and represents a template, whose author he may not have been, but which runs through allsubsequent literature, both vernacular and Sanskrit. According to Roger R. Jackson (Dohākośa, p. 19),

[i]n the first fifteen verses of his Treasury, Saraha takes on, in succession, brahmin ritualists..., who are denounced for their pointless recitations and sacrifices; mendicant ascetics..., who are mocked for their deceit, hypocrisy, and greed; Jain renouncers..., who are ridiculed for their obsession with physical austerities; Buddhist monastics..., who are chastised for their dress-up games, their intellectualism, and their attempt to desiccate the mind through meditation; Mahāyānists..., who are described as sophists and verbal gymnasts; tāntrikas..., who are said to be obsessed with mantras, maṇḍalas, and mystic initiations; and practitioners of all kinds....

In verses 6–9, Saraha lampoons the Jains, in the original named khavaṇa (DK, pp. 55-6):

The long-nailed yogin
looks filthy,[16]
goes naked,
pulls out his hair by the roots.
Jains mock the path
by the way they look;
they deceive themselves
in teaching freedom. (6)

If going naked means release,
then the dog and the jackal
must have it;
if baldness is perfection,
then a young girl's bottom
must have it. (7)

If flashing a tail means freedom,
then the peacock and yak
must have it;
if leftover food turns to wisdom,

then the elephant and horse
must have it. (8)

Saraha says:
It seems to me for Jains
there is no freedom:
the body
deprived of the real
only gains isolation. (9)

Further on in time, in the mid-sixteenth century, Jāyasī described in Padmāvat (probably 1540– 1541) the ideal geography of Siṃhaladvīpa, its flora and fauna, and its holy men (2.30):[17]

At every step there are wells and stepwells, well-made sitting-places, and stairways, (1) As well as many water reservoirs all over, all the pilgrimage places duly named are there, (2) Monasteries and kiosks have been created everywhere; all religious settlements brim with muttered prayer and austerities. (3) There are great ṛṣis, saṃnyāsīs, servants of Rām, ascetics holding month-long fasts, (4) There are those who follow the course of perpetual celibacy, and the naked sky-clad ones (digambara), (5) There are sarasvatī-siddhas,[18] jogīs, and other renouncers who follow the path of disillusionment, (6) There are maheśvaras,[19] jaṅgamas, jatis,[20] and those who worship the śakti of the Goddess, (7) sevarās, khevarās, forest-dwellers, siddhas, sādhakas, and avadhūtas, (8) They have burnt themselves and the elements and established their seats there. (9)

At about the same time, we find the cliché occurring also in the Ādigranth, where it is, for example, subtly reworked in Āsā kī vār (AG, Āsā kī vār 6).[21]

With the Dādūpanthīs and other Sants, the cliché functions typically as the opening or coda of serial compositions denouncing "all religions" from the perspective of superior insight. The Bhrama-vidhvaṃsa-aṣṭaka (Octave on the destruction of error) of Sundardās (according to tradition, 1596–1689) is a case in point:[22]

Sundar has observed and probed the knowledge of everyone:
As long as he does not contemplate Nirañjana, no one should feel satisfied. (1)
I have examined the six religions: the habits of the jaṅgamas, shaikhs, saṃnyāsīs,
sevaṛās, paṇḍits, and bhaktas. (2)
...
The follower of the Arhant-dharma is in deep error; he pulls out his hair but is shameless,
He craves delicacies, eats sweets, and is under the sway of sex,
He sees with eyes of flesh, while a fire burns in him; instead of seizing the essential, he
throws it away.
Dādū's disciple Sundar has dispelled error, and plays in the state of detachment. (5)...

In the introduction to his Sarvāṅgayoga-pradīpikā (Light on yoga in all its categories), the same Sundardās reworks the cliché into a virtual carnival of less than wise holy men and religious styles.[23]

 

1.2. Classes of Jain mendicants mentioned in clichés

The variants of the cliché reviewed above do not provide a rigid typology of Jain mendicants by their branches. The intent of all authors mentioned was to debunk established religion. Nevertheless, we may sort out more details about those mendicants. Bāṇa's description "... vītarāgair ārhatair maskaribhiḥ śvetapaṭaiḥ pāṇḍurabhikṣubhir bhāgavatair varṇibhiḥ keśaluñcakaiḥ...," "...passionless worshippers of the Arhats, Maskarīs, Śvetapaṭas, Pāṇḍura mendicants, Bhāgavatas, Varṇīs, those who pull out their hair..." was commented on by Śaṅkara Kavi (date unknown). He paraphrases ārhatair as "worshippers of the Arhant, naked kṣapaṇakas," maskarībhiḥ as "houseless ascetics (parivrājaka)," śvetapaṭaiḥ as "wearing white woolen blankets, a particular class of naked kṣapaṇakas" (śvetorṇakambalivāsair nagnakṣapaṇakabhedaiḥ), pāṇdurabhikṣubhir as "those who are free of defilement," bhāgavatair as "devotees of Viṣṇu (viṣṇubhaktair)," varṇibhiḥ as brahmacārins (brahmacāribhiḥ) and keśaluñcakaiḥ as "appropriately named ones" (yathārthanāmabhiḥ). According to Śaṅkara, then, the Jain mendicants are naked (nagnakṣapaṇaka), which corresponds to Digambaras, or naked kṣapaṇakas wearing white woollen blankets, which rather points to Digambaras distinguished from the stark-naked ones by being wrapped in a white woollen blanket.[24] The keśaluñcakas derive their name from the characteristic rite of pulling out their hair which would apply to both Digambara and Śvetāmbara medicants.

Saraha defines Jain mendicants as naked kṣapaṇakas, that is, Digambaras. Jāyasī speaks of sevarās and khevarās, which corresponds to śvetapaṭas and kṣapaṇakas, whereas in Sant literature we usually encounter sevaṛās and jatis as the representatives of Jain mendicancy. Although yati/jati may denote any ascetic, not only a Digambara or a Śvetāmbara one, the term refers more specifically to Śvetāmbaras. Yatis/jatis are usually identified with Śvetāmbara monks descended from temple-dwelling sādhus (Dundas 2002: 152, 136-38). Rarely however does one encounter elaborate Sant critique of these. While digambara ascetics are targeted, these are to be understood as naked ascetics of sorts and not specifically naked Jain mendicants.

The samples of critique cited below come from Sant literature dating from around 1600, a time by which naked Digambara monks had become rare in reality, if not as an ideal.[25] By that time, Digambara culture had become chiefly represented by the bhaṭṭārakas, monks of pontifical rank and lifestyle, "wearing orange robes both inside and outside the monastery and taking them off only when eating or when initiating another bhaṭṭāraka" (Dundas 2002: 124). They seem not to have formed a focus of Sant critique but can be suspected to have been included in the Sant caricatures of luxury-loving monks.[26]

Dādū's disciple Sundardās (d. 1689), for example, lumps together yatis, Nāths, digambaras, and Jains so that digambara must be taken to mean any naked religious man, while Jains are rather qualified by fancy dress:[27]

By pulling out one's hair, he does not become a yati; by splitting one's ears, not a yogī,
Sundar says: How will this bring about perfection? For its uselessness it is rather a stock
of laughter. (23)

Sundar says: There went digambaras dressed in sackcloth,
And there were those who had lost their home, donned a tiger skin and turned tigers
themselves. (24)

There are Jains, wearing red, yellow, or white robes, or those dyed with cutch,
Sundar says: I have seen all those costumes, but nowhere peace of mind. (25)

Satire penned by sādhus usually targets the Jain mendicants. Occasionally however one finds also lay Jains being satirized. One author to be named is Bakhnā, a lay disciple of Dādū who flourished in the first half of the seventeenth century. He was deft at satirizing in epigrams types of people or vices. Among these is the type of the greedy Digambara Sarāvagī merchant:[28]

"I eat once in two days, once in three days, I eat on the eighth and fourteenth lunar day!" Why does he proclaim his vow with fanfare?

Bakhnā says: A Sarāvagī is he who does not get involved with the three.[29] (15.5) He is a Sarāvagī who does not keep a she-buffalo; or if he does, he will keep her fettered, Or else he will end up drinking unstrained water. Jain layman, I am familiar with your dharma. (15.6)

Bhakhnā begs to advise the Sarāvagīs, and they should bear no grudge against him: Let a dharma-conscious person observe his dharma and not be enraged at others. Out of thirty-two ten remain; where have the other twenty-two gone? (15.7) He opens his shop at midnight and punctiliously weighs out the grain.  Why does he not feel compassion at that time, why does he not reflect? On top of the twenty-two, the remaining ten will also vanish. (15.8)

Bhakhnā polemicizes against the Sarāvagīs' shows of fasting while at heart they are mired in greed. Being traders, Sarāvagīs are unlikely to keep she-buffaloes, but the cow or shebuffalo is a common trope for the mind roaming about in the world and needing to be subdued ("fettered") lest she lead man astray. Drinking unstrained water would be a sure proof of a Jain having strayed from dharma. The arithmetic of vv. 15.7-8 remains puzzling.[30]

 

2. Nāths and Dādūpanthīs as critics of the Jains

In Nāth and Sant literature of the sixteenth and seventeenth century the critique of false religious stance and practice and the praise of superior insight was largely phrased in stereotypes. While variations of these are galore, they rarely extend over more than isolated couplets or songs listing the vices. Comparatively few compositions go beyond this format and the repetition of the all too familiar. The critiques of the Jains presented and discussed here belong to these.

Before entering into these and to broaden the perspective, a word on the Jain views of Nāths and Dādūpanthīs. As for Gorakhnāth and Haṭhayoga, Jain views varied (Cort 2015). John Cort sees two different kinds of yoga reflected in the lense of Banārsīdās (early 17th century) on the one hand, and Ṭoḍarmal (18th century) on the other. Banārsīdās, Cort argues, engaged sympathecially with the interior Sant-Nāth yogic stance attributed to Gorakhnāth, while Ṭodarmal categorically rejected the Haṭhayogīs with their particular practices. In the light of the widely accepted stance of the Nāths writing in the Hindi vernacular, this perceived relatively rigid distinction may be difficult to confirm, for these Nāths advocated for brahman-gnosis firmly based on the yogic concept of the body and the practice of breath control, thus blurring that distincton.[31] The Jain rejection of monistic religion was articulated clearly by Jodhrāj Godikā, a propounder of the Digambara Terāpanth, who in 1669 dismissed summarily twelve religious groups, amongst these those of Dādū, Kabīr, Nānak.[32] He alleged that the Terāpanth was founded as the thirteenth religious group (terā may mean "thirteen") to redress the errors of these. 

2. Nāth critique

The Nāth critic presented here represents a Nāthism highly interiorized and rejecting exterior emblems and feats of religion, magic and yogic purificatory rites (ṣaṭ karman), and sexual practices as they were inherited from the Kaula type of Śaivism. This type of Nāthism converges in many ways with Santism, which the Dādūpanthīs duly acknowledged by incorporating its literature into their manuscripts.

 

2.1. Prithīnāth

Prithīnāth is commonly known as Prithīnāth "Sūtradhāra." He often names himself in his numerous compositions, but uses this epithet but once.[33] It occurs regularly in the hybrid Sanskrit colophons of the twenty-eight compositions constituting his Jogasāstra and first found compiled in a Dādūpanthī manuscript of 1615.[34] The Jogasāstra consists of texts of instruction, including one gāyatrī mantra, a mantra litany in the vernacular mixed with hybrid Sanskrit and hence of a different genre.[35] In one of these texts, the Haṃsarūpa-bigata-grantha, the author speaks of himself as a "carpenter" (bāḍhāī) and belonging to the Nāg caste (v. 77), and, a little later (v. 80), as being both the sculptor (silāvaṭ) and the image (mūrti) and of everyone praising his stone (silā).[36] A synonym of silāvaṭ is sūtradhār.[37] Sūtradhār, in its turn, is also a designation of carpenters. It is, however, unclear if Prithīnāth really identifies himself by his caste or uses those caste designations allegorically. In the Dādūpanthī tradition, there are legends about Prithīnāth suggesting that he was a sūtradhāra by caste, that is an architect or master mason, perhaps a Kumhāvat.[38] Among his works, one is entitled Śūtradhaṇī-karatākathita-graṃtha (Book of the narrative of the maker, who is the chief architect).[39] In this the Invisible Man (alaṣa purisa), God as maker of the world, is called śutradhāra (that is, sūtradhāra; v. 1 pass.) or śutradhaṇī, tentatively translated as "chief architect" (v. 5 pass.). Another composition of Prithīnāth bears the title Mana-staṃbha-sarīrāṃsādhāra-graṃtha[40] (Book on the foundation of the pillar of the mind and the parts of the body) which also uses tropes of masonry. The author's epithet suggests that he saw himself as a mason engaged in erecting by way of yoga the imperishable esoteric body and as inseparable from the chief architect of the world. Prithīnāth lived after Kabīr, whom he mentions, and before the seventeenth century, for his works as they appear first in the Dādūpanthī manuscript 1615 form a compilation copied from an earlier source. In this each work was concluded by the same colophon, differing for the respective title. The earliest Dādūpanthī anthologies by Rajab (SarRI and SarR-S, undated, but prior to Gopāldās) and Gopāldās (SarG, 1627 C.E.) quote from the works of Prithīnāth, who was indeed kindred in spirit to the early Dādūpanthīs. He refers to an unnamed guru or to Guru Gorakhnāth, but Gorakhnāth must be taken as the ancient fountainhead of the Nāth tradition and therefore the quintessential "true guru" (satguru). This may imply that Prithīnāth did not form part of a regular lineage. While for Prithīnāth brahmangnosis is harnessed to the yogic practice of breath control, he is contemptuous of shows of supernatural powers or the practice of "splitting the ears," probably referring to splitting the cartileges of the ears, which at some point in time became an obligatory feature of the initiation into the highest rank of Nāth ascetics.[41]

Some information on Prithīnāth is provided by Rāghavdās in Bhaktamāl (1660):[42]

He had met Guru Gorakhnāth, the treasury of wisdom, and in this way he reached across the three worlds.

In Agra he had a debate with Akbar; when he performed a miracle, the emperor was scared.

The brahman-words gushed forth from him in a stream of blazing fire; he composed many doctrinal works (graṃtha sidhāṃta).

Rāgho says: Day and night he was engrossed in Rām. By contact with him many were saved.

This makes him a contemporary of Akbar. True to the hagiographical style, his yogic accomplishment is described as manifesting itself in miracle working. As for the description of him as a teacher of yoga, this could hardly be phrased more adequately than in the third line of the cited verse. Again and again Prithīnāth speaks of the amazing stream of blazing brahmanfire, the fire drying up all that is transient and gushing forth when self and Self are united. How akin Prithīnāth was felt to be to the Sants is illustrated by the last line, where he is said to have been engrossed in Rām, as the Sants would name the supreme self. The corpus of his collected compositions is indeed named joga-sāstra (yoga-śāstra), which meets the classification "doctrinal work" (siddhānta).

In Rāghavdās's hagiography, the Nāths actually described are but a handful, whereas that description is prefixed by conventional lists of nine and twenty-four Nāths, respectively. This is another indication of the changes made in Rāghavdās's original composition. Prithīnāth

is the last Nāth actually treated by him upon which he proceeds to speak in a single verse about the jaṅgamas.

Of the twenty-eight works of the compilation of Prithīnāth's oeuvre transmitted in the manuscript of 1615  -  apart from this, it also contains at least three of his songs  -, four form part of an eighteenth-century collection named Nāth siddhoṁ kī bāniyāṁ (Works of Nāth Siddhas), edited by H. P. Dvivedī (NSB). The text discussed here is not included in these.[43] Prithīnāth's critique of the Jains is a composition of 40 verses entitled Jaina-(vāra) dharma-sīla-samādhi-grantha (Book of the dharma, virtue, and final absorption suitable for the Jains).[44] First found in the above-mentioned Dādūpanthī manuscript of 1615, the text is here published for the first time.[45]

 

2.2. Jaina-vāra-dharma-sīla-samādhi-grantha (Book of the dharma, virtue and final absorption suitable for the Jains)

First I make obeisance to the feet of the guru, who revealed to me true discipline.[46] He acquainted me with the five elements; exhausted from rebirth, I am released (kevala). (1)

Let me advise[47] the Jains:[48] We come to the earth (samosaraṇa) and leave again, even kings do.

But by whispered prayer to the rhythm of 600,021 breaths one emerges perfect. (2) He enlightened me on the kind of dharma by which fear is put to flight and no further stay in a womb is to be suffered. Prithināth: Few men emerge as absolute (kevalī) from the narrow path of wisdom. (3)

By exploring the Place (pad), karma falls off; by exploring the Place, all error is wiped out;

By exploring the Place, the veil opens; by exploring the Place, one finds the gods. (4)

By exploring the Place, one becomes absolute (kevala); by recognizing the Place, one goes to heaven.

Innumerable siddhas reach across to the pure place Oṁ. (5)

They do not explore the Place, but pull out their hair; what teaching is derived from pulling out one's hair?

With mind and thought unsteady, how can one trust a view (darasana)? (6)

Without subduing the mind, asceticism is impossible; if one goes by false appearance, liberation is not attained,

What is the purpose of going to the forest to practise austeritiesas as long as the fickle mind is not stable? (7)

The true guru prospers if he is no longer afraid of birth and death,

The jīva thrives on matter (pudgala); who can speak of dharma in the absence of matter? (8)

There is no Jain (sarāvaga) if there is no matter; if one does not make an effort, one is just born and disappears,

But if someone practices yoga systematically, he becomes a pure divine arhant. (9) The jatis do not understand where there thoughts drift, they do not understand what entices them to roam.

If they give up their life and body; where then are the jatis in absence of a body? (10) As long as body and mind graze the pasture one must consider self and other as identical;  When the arrogance of the five thieves is destroyed and by subduing what is fickle, one wins the abode of release. (11)

Prithīnāth: Consider him a Jain (sarāvaga) who mistakes the trap for the Place,

Everyone warns against traps, but few are able to distinguish the trap from the proper place. (13[49])

Some preachers may interpret "trap" as "string," they are clueless, trading in deception. If the trap consists in washing, everyone [avoiding this] will go to heaven. (14)

The real trap is laid in the body, but rather than realizing this they do not wash.

The trap consists in being shut off from the cascading water; if one attains this, the body becomes divine. (15)

It flows in the sky, it's not on earth, without the guru no one can obtain it.

The trap is that the jīva's drop may flow off, for by virtue of this drop there is no becoming or dissolution, no day or night. (16)

If this drop flows unchecked, can it be otherwise than that the jīva dies times without end?

Priceless is that single drop which makes a mahāpuruṣa arise in the world. (17)

Asceticism consists in the balance of the elements; if this is stable, the drop will not flow off.

An unbaked pot gets soaked and leaks; how can asceticism be performed if the jīva does not thrive? (18)

Prithīnāth explains: Tell me, what will asceticism be propped on if there is no body? This would resemble a pauper starving in a drought; once he is dead, tell me, how is he supposed to see fat years? (19)

With a jati liberated at his lifetime, not a bit of the drop will flow over at the door.

He fasts by breath control, age does not affect him and he will not die. (20)

He closes the nine doors and shuts the poison out at the opening of the tenth door.

He considers the nine treasures to be only of this kind, and then the marvellous unstruck sound speaks. (21)

As for asceticism of gleaning, Prithīnāth says, those who glean insipid grains insipid are rare.[50]

You must regard this jīva as of perfect shape; who in it is man, who woman? (22)

His mind deluded and his senses constricting him, he retreats to the forest out of fear of women.

If the drop flows over instead of staying at the base,[51] it runs off like water from a broken pot. (23)

He does not recognize the paramahaṃsa,[52] but in the grip of his senses walks off to the forest.

In his mind, his capriciousness[53] mocks him: What's the gain of settling in the forest? (24)

If breath and body go there, how will the senses be illuminated in the house?

Everyone speaks of the drop, but few attain the Great Drop. (25)

It does not diminish, it does not flow off; this is no drop that runs down through the mouth.

This drop is at play at the tenth door, moving like water with the brightness of fire. (26)

The man who finds the Place where the stream of fire flows makes it his own and earns himself the name of a kumāra.

Mindful of this, jīva remains enclosed in the mussel; Prithīnāth calls this mahātapa. (27)

This is the real virtue, this the real dharma; if on reflects on this, error is dispelled.

This is the ridge of all virtue, difficult to tackle, along this the mahāpuruṣa completes the path.[54] (28)

This is the dharma of jīva; he who is the guardian of the jīva is served by kings who for his sake resign.

The life-breath (haṃsa)[55] does not leave the body and fly away, the jati is absorbed in the sky-cave.[56] (29)

If someone has not thought about this dharma, what was the purpose of his being born on earth?

In the temple of the moon, in the heat of the sun - if he returns to settle there, time will not affect him. (30)

Mindful of this, he is absorbed like flame in flame, the word erupts, the place of liberation [is reached].

Then the body enters absorption, otherwise it remains [confined to] taking views. (31)

It is difficult to reflect on the effort of the jīva, only by effort innumerable siddhas reached the shore across,

Mindful of the fact that all men are one, Pārasnāth reached perfection. (32)

Only then is one in possession of the best of the ṛṣis and gods and so transforms the impure body into a deity.

Give up the corruption of the five senses, and you will acquire dharma and conquer the world. (33)

When they have realized all elements and thus become fords to liberation, the flagbearers of dharma mount the heavenly chariot,

By this kind of perfection one reaches the abode of the twenty-four where instruments resound and the trumpet is blown. (34)

Over the seven-tiered world and the sixteen heavens, the sun with billions of rays has risen.

The sun is in harmony with the house of the moon; by this kind of virtue one is accomplished and liberated. (35)

The place of life is brahman-gnosis, this is the art of supernatural powers by which one reaches the abode of the gods,

Mindful of this, the jogī takes his mind along, by realizing the self he obtains all happiness. (36)

By exegesis of a dharma-tale, speaker and listener and even the sons of these are blessed. Performing austerities by this kind of effort, he who is strong attains perfection, he is the kevalī on whom showers of pearls rain down. (37)

He who does not understand self and other, will be deceived by false appearance and remain stuck in the world.

Thinking of returns, many went astray; none of them won their self. (38) The dharma is one, while false appearances are many; those who are strong[57] conquer their minds,

He who subdues this fickle thing is the true guru of all religions (ṣaṭa darasana). (39)

Of righteous virtue are Śrī Syambhūnāth, Śrī Machindra, and all other Nāths,

Gorakhnāth is the guru of innumerable siddhas - this is the dharma taught by Prithīnāth. (40)

2.3. Prithīnāth's critique

Only true dharma can bring forth true asceticism, Prithīnāth argues. Nāth dharma is true, Jain dharma is false, and this falseness has to be corrected in the light of yoga. Roughly broken down, the following major issues are addressed:

 

  1. How does one attain absolute being (kevala)?
  2. What is right dharma?
  3. What is the state of absolute liberation?
  4. What is right ascetic practice, especially with a view to subduing sensuality?
  5. What are the impediments to asceticism?
  6. What is the ontology of the jīva in relation to the material body?

Prithīnāth sets the theme in the first three verses.[58] His own guru initiated him into true discipline and revealed to him the cosmic dimensions of being. He is now truly released, kevala. In Prithīnāth's works, kevala or kevala pada is a term for the absolute, and therefore he has to clarify the different notions of kevala/kevalī right in the beginning (1,3).[59] Identical with the Jain term for absolute liberation and the absolutely liberated, respectively, it rests on a different ontology, as Prithīnāth will explain. Jain austerities are not founded on right views, that is, brahman-gnosis. According to Prithīnāth, the appearance of the Jina for his wordless preaching, the samavasaraṇa, is no salvific act but a merely transient event. The state of a true kevalī, he holds, can only be attained by the combined yogic practice of breath control and murmered prayer (japa). While the eternal state, called the Place (pada; 4–6) needs to be explored, the Jain mendicants rather explore for tiny creatures not be harmed the physical place where they happen to be. "To explore" is lauṃc-/loc-, a homonym of lauṃc-, luc-, which occurs in the expression kes luc-, "to pull out the hair by the root," pointing to the ritual performed at the initiation of Jain mendicants and periodically thereafter. Jain asceticism is futile because the asceticsd are fickle, deluded by false appearance. In his oeuvre, Prithīnāth contrasts inner transformation a number of times with "view" (darasana), an exterior fabrication; so also in v. 6 and later on in v. 31. According to Prithīnāth, the mind must be brought under control and taken along in the process of liberation. (6-7). The state of liberation cannot be attained by separating the self from matter (pudgala) and thereby from body and mind. Yoga discipline is performed with and in the body. Only by keeping self and body together and transforming the grossly material body into the primeval eternal one does the yogī attain salvation. This practice alone makes a true arhant (8-10). Fundamental to salvation is that all beings be realized as identical. In this way arrogance and capriciousness of the mind and senses are put out (11). Prithīnāth ridicules the Jain fear of perils to their asceticim (phāṃsū, "snare, trap"), and on a lighter note makes fun of the perceived peril posed by bodily hygiene (14). The real peril lies in failing to convert one's bindu, "life essence," into the mahābindu, the "drop of immortality."[60] Ordinary men dissipate their life energy and remain in the swirl of existence, while the mahāpuruṣa has achieved yogic perfection (17). The term mahā, "great," prefixed to key terms is widely used in Nāth and Sant, vide Dādūpanthī, parlance to convey the primeval perfection and absolute validity of a power, person or idea.[61] In the present context, however, mahāpuruṣa also resonates with the Jain idea of the sixty-three heroes of Jain universal history, usually called śalākāpuruṣa. In this way, Prithīnāth puts into doubt the very idea of the order of the world as imagined by the Jains. He also dismisses the concept of the aeons it takes to become a tīrthaṅkara. This amounts to a denial of an unthinkably long process leading to salvation, for the Nāths - in this concurring with bhaktas - hold that it is here in this life that one has to work one's liberation. The endless swirl of existence is for all others to fear, while they themselves will not be affected by time or death but transformed into the timeless. The true dharma saves, the true fast takes the form of breath discipline (20). If this is practised, the "tenth door" is pierced by one's life energy, and the unstruck sound resonant of eternal oneness vibrates (21). There is no ontological gender difference; temptation arises from false perception and cannot be avoided by shunning women. Discipline cannot but aim at goading up the bindu so that it be transformed into the mahābindu, otherwise man is as good as an unbaked leaking pot (23). The mahābindu is the effulgent drop of eternal being. The transformation of the perishable into the imperishable is manifest in the eternally youthful man, kuṃvāra, a term echoing the Jain cultural heroes and the eternally youthful Jina. In true asceticism, mahātapa, the jīva is absorbed in the supreme like a pearl enclosed in the mussel (24-27). Genuine virtue, śīlā, has the power to dispel doubt, implicitly doubt about the unity of self and brahman, a demand incongruent with the ontology of Jainism. According to Prithīnāth, the true Jina, the true Pārśvanātha, is not the kevalī in the sense of absolutely pure and isolated bodiless soul, but the one who has merged with the supreme in the "bee's cave," bhramaraguphā, the arcane cranial place in the esoteric body (28–33). Here it needs to be remembered that Parśvanātha is a Jina to the Jains and a Nāth to the Nāths so that Prithīnāth can claim him for his own tradition. In reality, the ford prepared by the Jain fordmakers lies in the transformed esoteric body. Similarly to what he has said in v. 6, Prithīnāth rejects viewing (darasana, 31) what is outside the transformed body, which comprises contemplating images and fabricating religious views. He who realizes this dharma annihilates the world (33-37). The knower of brahman has realized the identity of self and other. In control of himself, he becomes "the true guru of all religions (ṣaṭa darasana)" (38-39). Witnesses to this are Syambhūnāth (Svayambhūnātha, Śiva), Machindranāth (Matsyendranātha), and Gorakhnāth (40).  The text, then, emphasizes the unbridgeable difference between Nāth and Jain religion: The Nāths believe in the transformation of the body from transient into eternal and attainment of union during one's lifetime; the Jain, in liberation of the self from all karmic matter in a cyclic process of aeons.

 

3. Dādūpanthī critique

Dādūpanthī critics had a strong voice in the Sant chorus of critics of the Jains. They raised the charge of duplicity against the Jains. This is of course a common verdict, which they pass on all all - except the genuine Sant. Duplicity is the consequence of false consciousness. While Prithīnāth rather dwells on doctrinal differences, Dādūpanthī criticism is largely moralistic. This is well-illustrated by a relatively elaborate composition of Rajab[62] which is entitled Jain jañjāl (The Jain snare). Among Dādū's direct disciples, Rajab was one of the most prolific authors. His two hefty tomes of poetry are the anthology Sarbaṅgī (Complete for all limbs, SarR-I, SarR-S) and his own compositions, the Rajab- bāṇī (RV-N).[63]

 

3.1. Rajab

Although his name suggests that he was of Muslim origin, Rajab nowhere in his oeuvre identifies himself by his descent group. Like many other Dādūpanthīs, he took seriously the principle of disregarding caste or social origin in a Sant, who should identify himself solely as a servant of the Supreme. Not disclosing one's caste is usually interpreted as an attempt of lowly born to dissimulate their social origin. While this cannot be totally dismissed, to reduce this silence to a social motive undercuts the complexity of the issue. The Sants perceived themselves as awakened to true being beyond the established norms. In a society stratified by caste, hagiographers felt however compelled to address a saint's social position, be it that they took pride in the fact that a particular Sant came from a respected caste, be it that they wished to emphasize the paradox of the boon of bhakti given to a lowly born, or be it that they felt uncomfortable with the Muslim origin of some of the Sants, among these and foremost Dādū himself (Horstmann, forthcoming). In so doing, the authors responded to the need of confirming their own respectability and that of their community.

The hagiographical portrayal of Rajab varies. The first Dādūpanthī hagiography is Dādū janmalīlā (The lifeplay of Dādū, DJL), written by Jangopāl sometime after 1603. The author identifies himself as a trader (mahājan) by caste, a respected group that produced numerous famous Sant authors and, at least for the Dādūpanth, has patronized sādhus continuously.[64] In Jangopāl's hagiography, Rajab appears first as an actor in the drama of Dādū's life in the period between about 1594 and 1596, at that instance with no significant attributes ascribed to him (DJL 12.5). His profile is outlined with greater clarity in an episode that took place some time after 1596, when he organized a feast for Dādū. Jangopāl says (DJL, p. 73):

His worthy disciple Rajab
was full of wisdom, virtue and courage,
Having the temperament of an ascetic right from birth,
he gave up the world totally after meeting Svāmījī. (13.6)
...
Rāghav, Govinda and Narāin were Rajab's disciples,
experienced in devotion. (13.12ab)

Rajab is treated next by the Dādūpanthī hagiographer Rāghavdās, who composed his Bhaktamāl (Rosary of saints, RBhM-N and RBhM-N) in 1660, that is, during Rajab's lifetime. The ten-verse-long entry on Rajab documents the great esteem he enjoyed. Only two verses are quoted here, while the rest is panegyric and ranges him in the line of the saints revered by Dādūpanthīs which is of course important enough:[65]

Rajab is[66] Dādū's attentive disciple of wondrous deeds,
He took to the formless, unsoiled, immaculate One without qualities,
The highest truth he told in the Sarbaṅgī, all poetry he united therein,
sākhīs, śabds and kavittas, not a single of these without an example,
All the topical stories in the world stand at his disposal, with hands reverentially joint,
He has remained a bridegroom all his days, a true renouncer of women,
Rajab is Dādū's attentive disciple of wondrous deeds. (378)
...
Rajab, the wondrous, came to Āṃbānerī (Āmer) in Rajasthan,
Following the word of his guru, he renounced the marriage with a woman,
"You have received a human body as an instrument for the service of the Lord,
This you have forgotten; you are attached to false things and the taste of sensuality."
He threw away his bridegroom's crown and dedicated body, mind and wealth to the true
one,
He observed the vow of virtuous living, subdued his mind, and desire fled him,
Guru Dādū gave him the joy of bhakti and sunk compassion into his heart,
Having received this he took to love; great fortune graces his brow. (380)

According to this, Rajab met Dādū first in Āmer, where Dādū probably stayed from around 1580 to 1593 (Horstmann 2000: 569). Attracted to Dādū, Rajab renounced marriage and threw away his bridegroom's crown. At the unrecorded time of this incident Rajab may have been a young man in his teens.

Before this episode was fleshed out by later hagiographers, it had become relevant in the debate on the Dādūpanthī sādhus' proper attire. An anonymous treatise named Doū bacan, of which the oldest manuscript that I could trace is of 1770 C.E. and which represents a copy of an earlier manuscript, discusses this issue. Dādū himself had explicitly rejected exterior religious signs, such as a monastic robe and sectarian body marks. In that text, Rajab is named as an example of a disciple just continuing to wear the attire in which he met Dādū first, but no connotation of hierogamy is expressly attached to this. According to Doū bacan, Dādū said to Rajab: "Friend, remain wearing the auspicious attire (bhadrabheṣa hohu)" (Thiel-Horstmann 1991: 110). The author goes on explaining, "Svāmījī put the skull-cap inside the turban, and then on the sādhus' head." The word "skull-cap" is the rendering of ṭopī, the shapes of which were various and subject to change. It is not clear if the last sentence in the quotation refers also to Rajab. The term bhadrabheṣa, "wearing an auspicious attire," also "wedding attire," tallies with the oral tradition on Rajab, whose wedding procession is said to have passed by Dādū's seat in Āmer. The crown he is mentioned to have been thrown away by Rāghavdās would, then, have been his wedding crown.

Rajab authored a composition named Śrī Svāmī Dādū Dayāljī ke bheṃṭ ke savaiye (Savaiyā verses dedicated to Svāmī Dādū).[67] In the very first of these verses he says of Dādū's attitude (RV-N, p. 1170):

He does not like an ochre robe (bhagvā), he does not apply ashes,
Hypocrisy is not agreeable to him - this is characteristic of his way of life.
He does not approve of a religious brow mark or a rosary, he does not know of the Jain
pretence,
He does not go by worldly standards - this is characteristic of his stance.
He has no use for the yogī's horn and ear-rings, he does not follow the rules of the
Buddhists,
His heart is not given to confusion - this is characteristic of his attitude.
The rules of Muslims he has buried, those of the Hindus he has left behind,
In his interior he has established the Undecaying - such is beloved Dādū.

Leaving pending for the moment Rajab's critique of Jain pretence, the composition is found to confirm that Dādū's attitude sprang from his wish to go beyond established forms of religion. It also reflects that during his lifetime Dādūpanthī identity vested in his person. As we know from other sources, his following was at that time quite heterogeneous and its structure fluid.

In its currently popular form the story of Rajab, the perpetual bridegroom, was reported in 1967 by Svāmī Nārāyaṇdās, the editor of Rajab's works, and runs as follows (RV-N, pp. xiii):

Rajjab was born in Sanganer, a town in the vicinity of Jaipur. He was the son of a distinguished military Paṭhān. His father was a minor leader in the army of the Amber Rājās Bhagvantdās and Mānsingh. Rajjab's full name was Rajjab Ali Khāṁ. Engaged to be married in Amber into a good family of Paṭhāns, in due course of time his wedding was fixed, the bridegroom's procession drawn up and marching from Sanganer to Amber. At that time Jaipur did not yet exist, the locality that is now Jaipur was all jungle. As they approached Amber, Rajjab was informed that Mahātmā Dādū resided just there.

Therefore he wished to attend Dādū's congregation, for he had heard his name before, and he anyway liked taking part in religious assemblies. So along with the procession and in his bridegroom's attire he went to Dādū's ashram to take darśan of him.

His brief conversation with Dādū triggered his conversion, and for the rest of his life he remained the bridegroom of the Supreme. Svāmī Nārāyaṇdās draws on the popular tradition, and in so doing also quotes a number of verses that in the Dādūpanth are connected with that episode. The same author had at his disposal also the hagiography of Daulatrām named Bhagvat līlā advait siddhānt, estimated to have been composed around 1860 (Nārāyaṇdās 1975: 324; Callewaert 1978: 29).

According to Jangopāl, Rajab was present at Dādū's death in 1603 (DJL 15.22). As for his place of residence, there is no written evidence for the commonly held belief that Rajab spent most of his life in Sanganer.[68] An exception to this is the Sant-guṇ-sāgar by Mādhavdās (SSG) which claims to be of VS 1660 but in its present form may not be earlier than the 19th century. In chapter 20.11 of this text, Rajab is reported to have invited Dādū for a seven-daylong stay to Sanganer. The circumstances of this report are odd, however, for of the names of people allegedly present on that occasion only one is identical with that of a disciple of Rajab, while the rest of them cannot be related to any of his known disciples. Rajab is believed to have died at a ripe age - hagiography accords him a generous 110 years - and before his junior codisciple Sundardās, who passed away in 1689 in Sanganer (SG, pp. 119-22). The story surrounding Sundardās's death has it that Sundardās, then over ninety years old, went to Sanganer and was shattered learning that Rajab had died prior to his arrival. The commemorative slab with the replica of Rajab's feet used to be kept in on a canopied plinth in the village of Ṭūṁṭolī, where there is also a Dādūdvārā.[69] Ṭūṁṭolī, also called by its alias Surajpurā, lies in the Cāksū (formerly Cāṭsū) tehsil of Jaipur district. There is some likelihood that Rajab died there, according to tradition heading for the wilderness. To go by the places that are testified to be related to the memory of his life and death, we are left with Āmer and Ṭūṁṭolī, respectively. Rajab had of course spent time in Naraiṇā/Nārāyaṇā, the last residence of Dādū and then headquarter of the Dādūpanthī khālsā. His habitat can therefore be roughly defined as the region in the circumference of modern Jaipur, identical with the home region of many Jains. A couple of indicators for sixteenth- and seventeenth Jain culture in Rajab's habitat yield the following result: Sanganer has an old Digambara Jain temple with an inscription of 954 C.E. and expansions and sculptures going back to the eleventh or twelfth century (Jain 1972: 456f.).

In the sixteenth century, bhaṭtārakas visited Sanganer and a number of manuscripts dedicated to these have been traced (ibid., p. 457). Around the middle of the seventeenth century, the reformist and especially anti-bhaṭṭāraka Digambara Terāpanth emerged from Sanganer (Cort 2002: 51-4). Āmer's importance as a bhaṭṭāraka seat can be traced to the sixteenth century (Jain 1972: 391; Cort 2002: 51). Cāṭsū is an ancient centre of Jainism, probably going back to the eighth century. In 1575, Bhaṭṭāraka Candrakīrti shifted the seat of his Mūlasaṅgha from Chitor to Cāṭsū which made the town flourish as a place of Digambara Jainism. In Naraiṇā, finally, Jainism can be traced back to the tenth century and in the twelfth century was enumerated among the important Jain pilgrimage places by Siddhasenasūri in his Sakalatīrthastotra (Jain 1972: 317). It is mentioned as visited by Bhaṭṭāraka Jagatkīrti in 1691 (Jain 1972: 320).[70]

 

3. 2. Jain jañjāl (The Jain snare)[71]

Listen, O Sant, duplicity is the snare of the Jains, their behaviour builds on deceit.
Their mind is not set on the immaculate Name, they have lost themselves in the twentyfour. (1)
They have lost themselves in the twice twelve,[72] the hearts [of the devotees] they have
attracted to themselves.
This is a serious transgression. Why should one give up the divine lord? (2)
It is always said that copper and iron are transformed by contact with the alchemical
stone,
But gold is not produced by gold; accordingly, salvation will not come from the twentyfour. (3)
They call themselves jati, they have set their snare by building temples and assembly
halls in the region,
Their undertakings have no limits, so that mountains of sin come to oppress other
people. (4)
People search their way to Mount Śatruñjaya, but the stone in front of them does not
speak,
By their traffic they kill living beings; when they reach their destination, they offer
flowers and leaves. (5)

The jatis will not go to worship stones, but insist that householders do so.
This resembles a guru-father, who would not take poison, but gives lethal poison to his
disciple-son. (6)
The vaiśyas don't understand that there is grim harmfulness in the Jain jatis,
Who do not worship themselves, but urge the vaiśyas to pay worship, and these fall over
backwards to rush to Phalodi. (7)
They enjoin compassion, but are wicked inside, for they do not give the dying food or
water.
They observe the paryuṣaṇa, visit their guru, and call it meritorious that banias join to
eat. (8)
If a water-wheel is not checked, the water will flow back into the well.
The Jain dharma looks like this. I state nothing but the truth. (9)
They wear a nose-piece before their nose because they care for living beings, but they
roam all over the regions a thousand miles.
They do not touch unstrained water, but on their tours they wade through rivers. (10)
In the month of Śrāvaṇa they come to town for alms, and while begging they kill living
beings,
When people open their cooking pots for them, the steam kills a mass of living beings.
(11)
Earth, water, fire, sky and wind - who can remove living beings from these?
Outside and inside there is nothing but the five elements, and these are teeming all over
with living beings. (12)
Dirty their thoughts, dirty their robes, they pile sin upon themselves and pull out their
hair,
They have sex in their minds, but this you cannot see with the eyes of flesh. (13)
They may enumerate their sins, but in this way these do not go away; the fault of theft
sticks to their hearts.
There is one sin that they must get rid off, but from this aim they are far away: Illfatedly, they contemplate the twenty-four. (14)
They have no cowry in their hands, but their hearts are set on billions, and so their minds
are glued to the banias.
Without faith they cannot be reformed and lack the essence, though they may make their
begging tour twice a day. (15)
They accept food and clothes that are perfectly good, while those who give shamelessly
aver that these are rags.
Again and again those clothes are called rags, and so they leave the house as rags. (16)
Foolish monks accept these for discarded stuff, while the householders pass over all
their sins to them.
I have explained this hypocrisy: Who will go to a house for a heap of sins? (17)
They shun untreated food and water, they seek alms in the evening and morning,
They find fault with green vegetables, but when these are cooked, they allow them to
be filled in their bowls. (18)
Forbidden is the coconut because it resembles a head, but once cracked, no fault attaches
to it.
Plenty such fraud is in them, but ordinary people don't realize this. (19)
A woman would violate the boundary set by the nine rules,[73] but once she is ordained
to be a nun, all these break down.
They are liars, base because they do not have the Name; they do not perceive Death
hovering above their heads. (20)
They are not scorched by the perpetual fire burning in their mouth, but upon their death
they are consigned to it.
They have broken the bounds of all their vows. The servant Rajab says: The world is
trapped in the snare of the Jains. (21)

 

3.3. Rajab's critique

I have argued that both Prithīnāth's and Rajab's critique addresses their respective coreligionists rather than the yatis.[74] At the time of Rajab, the Dādūpanthī sādhus were far from representing a coherent body. To weld coherence, boundaries between right and wrong views and practices has to be enforced. Even in the first generation, the Dādūpanthī constituency was quite large, but in size and organisation it could not compare with the Jains. Jains were also rivals because patronage for the Dādūpanth came also from the merchant castes that constituted the main following of the Jain mendicants. This called for rigid discrimination. Dādūpanthī sādhus and Jain mendicants also shared the sphere where they regularly circuited (rāmat) and sought alms, respectively. Dādūpanthī religious practice differed, however, in many aspects categorically from that of the Jains. There were no pilgrimages, for sacred journeys to shrines were opposed to the interior pilgrimage of a Dādūpanthī. Fasting was discouraged, which was in congruence with the views of the Nāths à la Prithīnāth. With the Jains, fasting is highly valued and a source of social prestige. Jain sādhvīs were common, while in the Dādūpanth nuns did not yet exist in sizeable numbers, let alone as regulated groups within an order. In the first generation, Dādū's two celibate daughters made an impact on the emerging sect, but despite their manifold contributions to the Dādūpanth, nuns continued to be viewed by the sādhus with suspicion.[75] Mysogyny is cultivated also by Dādūpanthī sādhus.[76]

Rajab's critique differs from that of Prithīnāth. While Prithīnāth articulates doctrinal rather than moralistic criticism, the opposite is true of Rajab. According to him, immoral behaviour is the inevitable consequence of false doctrine. Yatis are hypocrites, wicked to the bone, and Jain lay followers are duped by these or act hand in glove with them.

According to Rajab, the worship of the tīrthaṅkaras is exploited by the yatis for their own ends. The author targets the booming construction of temples and assembly halls and the opulent worship conducted at the sacred sites of Śatruñjaya and Phalodī. In pointing specifically to these, he goes beyond stereotype. In the generation before Rajab, both places had formed arenas of the Jain yatis' rise to great power. The Dādūpanthīs must have been jealous of such power which was a consequence of the connection of Śvetāmbara leaders with the courts.

In the fourteenth century, Śatruñjaya and Phalodī figured as important places of pilgrimage in Jinaprabhasūri's Vividhatīrthakalpa (Guidebook to the various pilgrimage shrines; VTK). Built from the eleventh century, by the fourteenth century Śatruñjaya had become the most important pilgrimage place of the Śvetāmbaras (Burgess 1869/1977; Dundas 2002: 222f.; Cort 2010: 143). In 1593, at the time of Rajab, Śatruñjaya attained the fame of the chief Śvetāmbara place of pilgrimage when Hīraviyayasūri, head of the Tapā Gaccha, led a large pilgrimage to Śatruñjaya. Both Jinaprabhasūri and Hīravijayasūri were connected with the imperial court. Jinaprabhasūri was honoured at the court of Muhammad Shah, and Hīravijayasūri rose to fame from 1583 when he became connected with Akbar's court where he made considerable intellectual impact (Jain 2012). In 1584, Akbar granted him a farmān prohibiting "animal slaughter twelve days each year including the eight-day Jain festival of Paryushan" (Truschke 2015: 34f.). Hīravijayasūri brought members of the Tapā Gaccha to the imperial court, and the Kharatara Gaccha followed suit.

Almost certainly Hīravijayasūri's success at the Mughal court stimulated Dādūpanthī hagiography. Dādū is alleged to have been presented to the emperor in 1585 and to have stayed at the court for forty days, an event that came to loom large in the imagination and the liturgical litanies of the Dādūpanth. While the historicity of the event need not be ruled out, it remains debated. In the longer recension of Jangopāl's DJL, manuscripts of which are available from 1654, the concession made by Akbar to Hiravijayasūri is actually claimed to have been granted to Dādū (DJL 7.25.1):

From that moment Akbar stopped hurting living beings,
since he had found Dādū the excellent pīr.
He made his decision into a religious law,
no one should hurt living beings.

Phalodī, known to Jinabhadarsūri as Phalavaddhia, is situated 2 km from Merta Road railway station. It has a famous Pārśvanātha temple dedicated in 1121 by the Śvetāmbara religious teacher Dharmaghoṣa (Chojnacki 1995 I: 451). Thought to have been miraculously recovered, it is considered to be endowed with great power (Dundas 2002: 220). Phalodī forms the epicentre of Śvetāmbara pilgrimage in the month of Pauṣa (Chojnacki 1995 I: 413, 452f.). The town was one of the Jain pilgrimage places where the powerful divan of Bikaner, Mantrī Karamcandra Bacchāvat (divan from 1573), a patron of the Kharatara Gaccha, invested in Jain temples, images and endowments. Next in power to the ruler of Bikaner, he enjoyed independent influence at Akbar's court (Jain 2012: 47). The place remained a stronghold of the Kharatara Gaccha (Jain 1972: 120f.; Jain 2010: 420f.).

In Jain sources (Jain 2012: 52),

[e]ngagement with Hiravijay Suri of Tapa gaccha and Mantri Karamchand Bhacchawat of Bikaner emerges as a metaphor in the Jain literature to celebrate Jain-Mughal relations.... [T]he close connections of Jains with the ruling chiefs of Rajasthan and the vital influence of trading communities in Gujarat facilitated a quick and smooth interaction of Jains with the Mughal apparatus after these chiefs entered the service of the Mughal empire. It is against this background that we must view the visit of the Jain pontiffs to the court of Akbar.

Dādūpanthīs must have noticed such connections with envy.

Rajab articulates his critique of the yatis before a twofold backdrop. One is that of the ideal sādhu according to the Sant tradition, the other, that of the state of the yatis as it prevailed at the lifetime of Rajab. To safeguard the ideal of the Sant sādhu in contrast with deviant religious behaviour may have been the main intent of his composition. The social organisation of Dādūpanthī sādhus was still emerging at his time and differed from that of the Jain mendicants. Though many of Dādū's followers were householders, there was a pull towards embracing the lifestyle of a celibate sādhu. The regional culture is characterized by a wide range of religious lifestyles: householder, married sādhu, sādhu living in his own house, or celibate sādhū attached to a guru and his maṭh (monastery). Among the yatis, too, some were married and others celibate. Rajab clearly favoured the ideal of the celibate sādhu so that alternative lifestyles were suspected by him as deviant. Dādūpanthī sādhus were organized by gurulineages. Some were attached to Narainā, the place were Dādū had spent the end of his life and died, while others had their own local bases. Lineages multiplied fast. A sādhu's local basis was a dvārā or maṭh, but his life was largely determined by the circuit on which he moved except for the months of the rainy season, when he and his local community stayed either at the house of a lay patron or in their maṭh.[77] The communal religious life rested on two pillars. One was worship in the form of singing praise and preaching, the other was communal feasting (Horstmann 2000). Everyone was allowed to join, though it is unknown if and how caste restrictions were operative. Like in many Hindu temples, the institution of sadāvrat, providing food to visitors from the temple kitchen, became gradually implemented. Dādūpanthī sādhus depended on lay patronage. Mendicancy may not have been a regular feature. Where it exists currently, sādhus do not sustain themselves by alms, but these are stored in the provision store to be at a later point served to lay followers and sādhus alike (Thiel-Horstmann 1986). Sādhus can thereby act either as hosts or guests, and have commensality with householders. This principle is incongruous with the relationship between Jain mendicants and lay followers, and governs Rajab's critique of the exclusiveness of the meals taking place after the Paryuṣaṇa festival of which only Śrāvakas (baniās, v. 8) partake.

In the image Rajab paints of the yatis stereotypes and facts mix. Biased but basically correctly, he describes their lifestyle. Descended from the temple-dwelling monks (caityavāsī), yatis were domesticated and actually lived in shelters (upāśraya) near temples (Cort 1991: 658). They took only lesser vows, while the fully initiated mendicants of strict observance were the saṃvegīs (Burgess 1884: 277; Cort 2001: 43-6). The yatis were organised in lineages headed by a śrīpūjya sitting in regal style on a throne (gāḍī, gaddī). Yati lineages were often connected with royal families, wielded considerable political power, and provided gurus to particular lineages of Jain. Their reputation as practitioners of magic, astrology and medicine added to their aura of power. Finally, they held important positions as administrators of Śvetāmbara temples (Cort 2002: 41). Their wealth allowed them to invest in and apply themselves to scholarship so that they became no less than guardians of Śvetāmbara tradition. Rajab castigates the yatis' greed for wealth and connection with the mighty (v. 15). Far from being restricted to the yatis, this is also a stock critique of sādhus at large. The Gujarati author Māvo wrote in 1530 (VBhPC, v. 7),

You go to upper and middle class houses, you are filthy, a slave of your senses, No matter if they are of clean or unclean caste, you mix with all - tell me, how will you please Śrī Rām?

Though this verse is directed against Vaiṣṇava sādhus, it echoes the rules for Jain mendicants. The sādhu must proceed at random, going here and there for collecting alms, but in the process pay strict attention to the respectability of the home from which he accepts alms (Laidlaw 1995: 394 with n. 1).

Rajab interprets as duplicity that yatis do not conduct iconic worship themselves but leave this to lay followers (vv. 6-7). For him, iconic worship is false by principle, and the yatis are clever enough to avoid such fault and charge it on the lay Jains. Abstaining from pūjā is of course consonant with the rule that mendicants must not perform physical pūjā (dravya-pūjā), as they do not or should not possess any material objects suitable for this. Spitefully Rajab may have ignored that they are expected to pay interior worship (bhāva-pūjā), which is in fact the only worship the possessionless mendicants can perform (Cort 2001: 88).

Incongruence between vows and actual behaviour is a stock element in the critique of sādhus. Incongruence and foolishness go together, both stereotypes appearing in verses 8 to 12. The vow of non-violence implies compassion, but instead of this cruelty prevails, illustrated by the polemic against sallekhana (religious death), which had become quite obsolete by the time of Rajab (Dundas 2002: 180f.). Instead of non-violence also against the tiniest living beings - considered by Rajab as impracticable -, there prevails mass-killing of these (vv. 10-12). Dietary rules are found to be totally incongruent (vv. 18cd–19ab). The mendicants' dirtiness is another stock element of critique (v. 13). Jain sādhus were even proud of their dirtiness, "Maladhārī" (besmeared with dirt) being a honorific given to distinguished Jain teachers. In the tradition of Rajab, bodily cleanliness was mandatory. Interior and exterior purity are here correlated in such a way that interior purity translates into pure appearance, whereas mere exterior cleanliness does not remove interior impurity.[78] Instead of desisting from theft, Rajab says, the yatis' heart is set on theft (v. 14). Theft also extends to "theft of penance, word, shape, behaviour and feeling," in brief, pretence.[79] Finally, the yati hypocrites make a mere show of their ritual of atoning for sins (pratikramaṇa, v. 14).

As for the ritual of pulling out the hair (lūṃcana, v. 13), this may not have been rigidly performed by the yatis of Rajab's time. In the nineteenth century at least, the procedure was this (Burgess 1884: 277), At the proper age he is initiated in the same way as the Saṁvêgī, only his hair is not pulled out in five locks. His Guru takes only five hairs for form's sake, and his head is afterwards clean shaven.

This tallies with the depiction of a yati in a nineteenth-century painting from Jaipur (Cort 1996: 628f.):

He sports long hair and a moustache, and is wearing a black shawl. All of these are signs of lax conduct associated with the domesticated monks known as yatis, who numerically dominated Śvetāmbar monasticism in the nineteenth century. 

Rajab seems to leave the beaten track of stereotype when blaming the yatis and Jain householders for subverting the Jain rules for mendicancy (vv. 16-7). Basically, he criticizes that they act the Hindu way. In this connection, Burgess's report on the yati constituency is revealing. Prior to his time, he says, yatis had sometimes been recruited from baniya or kuṇbī families, whereas in his day they had often been bought as children from poor brahman families, while baniyas might also dedicate first-born sons to a śrīpūjya "in hopes of obtaining further posterity" (Burgess 1884: 277). This helps understand why non-Jain principles proved to be persistent. The principle underlying Hindu gift and alms giving is that with the matter that passes from the hands of a layman to the recipient, such as a Brahman priest or a guru, also the sin of the giver passes to him. The difference of the Jain and Hindu views on giving (dān) has been analyzed by Cort (2001: 108-11).[80] The crucial difference lies in the views on transfer or non-transfer of sin and accumulation or non-accumulation of merit on the part of the giver. Whereas according to the Hindu view sin adhering to the object transferred passes along with it, Jains deny this. According to the Hindu view, merit accrues from giving to the recipient, who is compelled to digest the sin adhering to the gift, whereas no merit accrues according to the Jain view. Rajab elaborates on the hypocrisy inherent in the transactions between laymen and yatis. Householders pretend to pass to the yatis used clothes which would conform to the rule that monks should be content with poor, dirty clothes.[81]

Rajab rounds off his critique of the yatis by castigating their obsession with sex (vv. 13 and 20ab). Ascetic misogyny is complemented by the stereotype of the lustful sādhu. In the nineteenth century, the yatis' moral laxness was mentioned by Burgess (1884: 278). This is likely to have been an issue also in the seventeenth century, but Rajab may have also defamed married yatis. According to him, duplicity governs also the yatis' dealings with women (v. 20ab). At this instance he uses a specifically Jain term, namely nau vidhi bāṛ, "ninefold boundary, - restrictions, - cautionary measures." The term bāṛī is common in the vernacular literature of the period,[82] while nau bāṛ(ī) is typically Jain. In the vernacular Jain literature of Rajab's period, the term is elaborated on by Banārsīdās in his Samayasāranāṭak of 1636 (BanSSN, pp. 388f.):

Staying with a group of women, watching them lustfully,
Talking to them flirtatiously from behind a veil,
Thinking of former pleasures of love making,
Heavy food that robs the peace of mind,
Cleaning the body and adorning it,
Lying comfortably on a woman's bed,
Tales that excite the mind, eating one's fill —
With regard to these the Jina-word speaks of nine boundaries.

It is unknown if Rajab was familiar with Banārsidās's doctrinal chef-d'ouevre. He will however have been familiar with the rules for Jain mendicants, among which rules to protect celibacy were of course important.[83] Rules inculcated by whatever media were essential for welding bodies of sādhus into a coherent order, and there were popular standard texts giving instruction on devotion and dharma.[84] More specifically, lists of vices and virtues of Jain ascetics found an echo in Gujarat of which the Vaiṣṇava author Māvo and a famous song of Narasiṃha Mahetā form only two examples out of several.[85]

Rajab's composition closes on a gruesome note (v. 21): The the fiery visciousness they spread is the cremation fire" (mukhāgni) that they carry with themselves at their lifetime. No fagot will have to be put to the mouth of their dead body to start their cremation ritual, this stage of the cremation being called the mukhāgni. Carriers of the innate fire of untruth, they are selfcombustible. This is a reversal of the regional notion that the fire of sat, "truth," burns in the satī. If her husband dies before her, she will join him on his funeral pyre, self-combustible, igniting herself by the fire of sat (Weinberger-Thomas 1996: 31-5).

 

4. Works of Banārsīdās in Sant manuscripts

One cannot help wondering what relations Rajab, a resident of Sanganer, may have had with the Jains of Sanganer, or if he was acquainted with Banārsīdās's writing. His diatribe against the yatis is a coarse piece of satire following by and large the beaten track of its genre. Rajab is however best known for his own fine poetry and his stupendous command of the Sant tradition. If he had contact with Jains, this must have been conducted on a note different from that trifling satirical exercise. Alas, we do not know if he responded to the Jains of his place. In his day, these were engaged in reformist debates, and it is not impossible that also Banārsīdās made an impact on these (AK-L, pp. lvii-ix; Cort 2002: 50-62). This famous merchant-class intellectual of Agra reports that he visited Sanganer and Cāṭsū (modern Cāksū). His visit of Sanganer must have taken place before 1627, and the one to Cāṭsū sometime between 1623 and 1635 (AK-L, pp. xxxix; v. 624).[86] Banārsīdās was an Adhyātmī, a follower of a Jain reform movement that emphasized interior spirituality and rejected ritual. He wrote in the vernacular. Apart from short treatises, he authored splendid Adhyātmī songs, both of these collected shortly after his death by his friend Jagjīvanrām (1644). He is however most famous for his doctrinal work Samayasāranāṭak (1636) and his autobiography (1641). In Samayasāranāṭak he expounds the guṇasthāna doctrine, with which he had become acquainted by the famous Jain scholar Paṇḍit Rūpcand in 1635 (AK-L, vv. 631-33).[87] The guṇasthānas form a system of gradual spiritual progress that requires the observance of proper conduct. His adoption of this system put an end to the spiritual crisis that Banārsīdās had experienced for many years (AK-L, vv. 592-94).

While Rajab's connection with the Jains of Sanganer remains a matter of speculation, Banarsīdās's Adhyātmī songs and his Samayasāranāṭak started figuring in Dādūpanthī and other Sant manuscripts from the turn of the eighteenth century. The first so far known manuscript of this kind was supposedly written at the turn of the eighteenth century (VB MS. 12; Bahurā and Dīkṣit 1961: 20-9). It consists of three portions. The first is copied from a manuscript of VS 1743, the second from a manuscript from 1741, and the third from one or several unidentified sources and with no colophon. The range of authors of the sixty works united in this manuscript is catholic: Nāths, Sants, Kṛṣṇa devotees, and also Banārsīdās. The third portion of the manuscript starts with compositions by Rajab and is followed by the Samayasāranāṭak (fols. 291-312) and fourteen of Banārsīdās's Adhyāmī songs (fols. 316-18). While compositions of Rajab are found scattered all over the manuscript, they are not as conspicuous in number as to suggest that it comes from his lineage.

Another manuscript, however, dated VS 1850 (Nar MS. 314; Siṃhal 2004: 28f.) and also containing the Samayasāranāṭak, was written by a sādhu ultimately hailing from Rajab. The scribe, Sevādās, identifies himself by his genealogy.[88] The genealogy starts with Rajab, who is succeeded by Khem. One Khemdās was the second of nine disciples of Rajab and based in Savāḍ (Ajmer) (RBhM-Nar, p.234, chappaya 505). The five gurus intervening between Khemdās and Sevādās himself are not recorded as Rajabs descendants (Nārāyaṇdās VS 203536 [1]: 746f.). The huge manuscript of 571 folios consists of texts of three authors, namely works of Rajab (up to fol. 452), works of Tursīdās (fols. 452-61), and the Samayasāranāṭak (fols. 461-570). It thereby also represents three traditions, Dādūpanthī, Nirañjanī - Tursīdās being a well-known Nirañjanī author -, and Jain. Sevādās himself may have been connected formally or informally with the Nirañjanī sampradāya. It is not altogether unlikely that in the course of the four generations of monks intervening between Rajab's disciple Khem[89] and Sevādās monks looked beyond the Dādūpanth and were sympathetic to the emerging Nirañjanī sampradāya that actually took inspiration from Dādū and his followers. The Nirañjanīs are known for their interest in philosophical and scholarly literature (Williams 2014: 214f.). In both sects, merchant castes were represented both by sādhus and patrons. Given their constituency and intellectual profile, the presence of the Samayasāranāṭak in a Nirañjanī manuscript is not all that surprising.[90]

Finally, also Nar MS. 562 contains the Samayasāranāṭak (Siṃhal 2004: 99). Unfortunately, it gives neither date, nor place, nor the name and lineage of the scribe. It consists of (1) the Samayasāranāṭak (fols. 1-102), (2) the Brahmopaniṣad (fols. 102-04), and seventy four miscellaneous ślokas (fols. 104-11). The presence of the Brahmopaniṣad, tallies with Nirañjanī interests.

In sum, the manuscripts reveal that descendants of Rajab, sādhus akin to the Nirañjanī tradition, and sādhus of unidentified lineage took interest in Banārsīdās's Adhyātmī stance and circulated both his songs and doctrinal writing.[91] While it is clear that Dādūpanthīs appreciated Banārsīdās's songs (4.3), it may be asked what may have been the Dādupanthī perception of the doctrinal aspects of these (4.4).[92]

 

4.3. Banārsīdās's pads as circulated by Dādūpanthīs

1. Rāg Bhairūṁ

Your consciousness has lost all clarity; confusion reigns, restlessness holds sway, Although the body is impure insentient matter, you love nothing more than this.

(Refrain)

From the moment of his birth, man is in the shackles of his selfishness, and these the jīva calls his family,

You were born and will die all alone, and yet you are attached to the whole world. (1)

Gifts you offer go to ashes, in your heart you must sort out what this world is like. You roam around but do not get across; befooled, you search around everywhere. (2)

You are grieved because you are in shackles; you do not know the secret of liberation, When without an effort your home in the world disappears, you will be happy, Banārsīdās. (3)

2. Rāg Rāmkalī

Consciousness, you are, were, and will be alone,

Meeting by chance on a river boat, such is being with your family. (Refrain)

This world has no substance at all, it is a play performed with a painted scroll, Happiness, wealth, body - these are water bubbles bursting any moment. (1)

Sunk in confusion, you have forgotten the quality of the soul; a noose lies around your neck,[93] Obsessed with yourself, you strut about and talk foppishly. (2)

Banārsī says: Give up your false ideas, become the disciple of a genuine guru, Once your soul has caught a glimpse of his face, your entanglement falls off spontaneously. (3)

Note: "False ideas" is the translation of mithyā mata, an equivalent of mithyāta. A central Jain concept, mithyāta, that is, mithyātva, "wrong belief, false views of reality" (as translated by Wiley 2003: 93f.)" represents ignorance as opposed to samyaktva, "righteous religion" or samyaktva-jñāna "correct knowledge" (Cort 2001: 7, 17).

3.Rāg Rāmkalī

According to how you prefer to worship, O sādhu, the invisible Man, the Lord, appears. Wherever and in whatever mood you give him shape, he will appear accordingly.

(Refrain)

Sādhus, if you hold to direct evidence, he will take the form of this; if you hold to doubt, as doubt,

If you hold to unsteadiness, he may be called unsteady; if you hold to the method of absorption, he will appear as absorption. (2)

If you put forth energy, he may be called energetic; if you hold to rise as his true form, he will appear as rise,  If your viewpoint is on the practical, he will appear in practical action; if your viewpoint is on the supreme, he will appear accordingly. (3)

If you hold to the perfect state, he will appear as perfect; according to the viewpoint that you take he will appear, If you are always compassionate, he will appear as the ocean of imperishable happiness; if you plan rise, he will appear as fall. (4)

If you negate, he will appear as negation; if you affirm, as affirmation, The One is present in many forms; how long shall I go on explicating this? (5)

The boundless is like a priceless jewel, it buys for intelligence and discrimination, The play on words, Banārsī, is fabricated, while the One remains the same. (6)

Note: The song expresses Jain relativism (anekāntavāda). According to the viewpoint (naya) one takes, things appear. The one real is beyond these viewpoints. A basic distinction within the concept of viewpoints is that of vyavahāra- vs. niścaya-naya, that is, the aspect of reasoning on the basis of the empirical world vs. the aspect of reasoning with regard to the supreme (v. 3). The modifying aspects of reasoning number usually seven, amongst these the aspect of the existence or non-existence of a substance (v. 5) (Bhatt 1974; Bhatt 1994; Balcerowicz 2003; Soni 2003).

4. Rāg Belāval

How will you find the Lord in this way? Listen, fool! You are like a deer taking a mirage for water. (Refrain) Like a sweetmeat offered by a witch is the taste of the senses, Craving this you search around; don't lose yourself in error! (1)

You think you own this body, which is made of impure dust; What belongs to speech, thought and karma you consider being of the self. (2)

A name is ordinary parlance; don't lose yourself in this, Caste is a fabrication of the world, but in this you revel. (3)

The earth of land and mountains appears to you as wealth,  Obviously this is a puzzle caused by confusion, but you don't realize it. (4)

Never have you examined your inherent quality, You have identified with dependent things that are distinct from you. (5)

Like the deer chasing in the forest for the musk actually exuding from its navel, Your master resides in your self, but you search elsewhere. (6)

You make and live out your experiences by and in your body, Without knowledge, without a true guru you can't understand this. (7)

Note: The pad builds upon the opposition between that which is of the self (nija) and anything besides the self (para, para vastu), expressly stated in vv. 2 and 5. The capacity to distinguish between the two is the bheda-jñāna extolled in pad 12 (see below, with note).

5. Rāg Belāval

This is the way you will find the Lord; listen, wise man! It goes like churning butter with a churning-stick applied to curds. (Refrain) An alchemist, immersed in the alchemical elixir, worships according to the rules of alchemy,  Similarly the seeker for the highest truth attains the highest truth in his body. (1)

The vaidya identifies the pain and examines it for its type and humoral disorder, Similarly the wise will hinder another body from forming. (2)

The body has a form but no consciousness, while the Lord has no form, The clever man knows, believes and takes delight in him who pervades his body. (3)

The master is characterized by consciousness, the body by unconsciousness, The mind is characterized by unsteadiness; illusion, by error. (4)

By analysis of the different characteristics, you can distinguish them at once, Keep in your heart that which is true; discard that which is erroneous. (5)

A panner pans the dust for gold with full attention, Similarly the muni bathes in his own rasa when his karma ripens. (6)

If you realize yourself as you are, you will eradicate what causes doubt, Servant and Master are one: So who will embrace whom? (7)

Note: The pad extols the immersion of the jīva into himself, where there is consciousness that has ontologically no relationship with matter. The imagery is derived from alchemy. Alchemists are reported to have immersed themselves into the cauldron filled with the alchemical elixir to transmute their bodies to immortality (White 1996: 53-4). Verse 6 speaks of the ripening of karma, using the Jain term karma vipāka, "karma coming to an end."

6. Rāg Sāraṅg Dhanāśrī

Consciousness, go against the current! By contact with the insentient, insentience spreads, all your qualities recede. (Refrain) You feel attracted by a witch you fashioned for your own comfort; the ghost of confusion fops you, With glee you tie yourself the rope around your neck. (1)

Extricate yourself from the nigoda stream, cast off its snare, It is invisible, like fire hidden at the bottom of a mountain. (2)

If you are lost in worldly error, Banārsī, you may well be knowledgeable, But you will not escape unless you board the boat made of good qualities, auspicious meditation and wisdom. (3)

Note: The Jain concept of nigoda, the invisible tiniest creatures, has no currency in Sant poetry. John Cort says, "[i]n general, Jain poets use nigoda frequently as a shorthand for the most abject state of ignorance and karmic bondage imaginable" (communication of 22 Jan. 2016).

7. Rāg Dhanāśrī

Consciousness, who can set you straight? You have ended up firmly tied from head to foot. Who will save you? (Refrain) Like for fire in a stone or a piece of wood which works invisibly,  Like for someone drunk with liquor who cannot think at all, (1)

Like for an elephant who takes a bath and then throws dust upon himself, Like for a silkworm secreting the thread which is going to cocoon its body, (2)

Like for a pigeon whose endless tumbling does not simply stop,[94] There is no remedy for you, Banārsī, besides the prop of remembrance and worship. (3)

8. Rāg Sāraṅg

When will my mind be free from doubt? When will I stop serving all those people and remember my innate pure Lord? (Refrain) When will steadfastness coming from the good guru's word pervade my body? When will I practise with equanimity auspicious meditation and not be attached to my body? (1)

When will my eye, like the cātak, exult in drinking the drop from the cloud of the eternal world? When will I stop clinging to wealth and gain happiness by embracing the Supreme Good? (2) When will I leave my home behind and stay all by myself, yearning for the forest? When will I reach that state? Again and again I dedicate myself as a sacrifice to that moment. (3)

9. Rāg Sāraṅg

I keep silent, Worldlings are just short-term guests, why should I bother them with my words? (Refrain) The clouds of error are dispersed by the wind blowing on the path to the Supreme Good,  I have now turned inward because I have experienced Rādhāramaṇ. (1)

The excellence of the nectar-draught is evident, for it is not nauseating to my mind, At no moment do I like other tastes, they are all stale; I enjoy the taste of the Lord. (2)

Would someone satiated with happiness and wealth come out of his silence? By the sahaj mood arising from meeting the true guru, birth and death are dispersed. (3)

10. Rāg Sāraṅg Vṛndābanī

In the world, only one kind of happiness grants happiness: the god of gods, By touching his feet, one becomes oneself, liberated from the senses and everything. (Refrain) He is not hungry or thirsty or fearful, he has no senses or sense-objects, He has no birth, age does not overcome him, the law of death is repealed for him, (1)

In him there is no sadness or astonishment, nor the eight kinds of karma; he is the pure I, In him is neither passion, nor enmity, nor confusion, nor sleep in service of the king, (2)

He has no body, no illness, no fatigue, no sorrow, nor the eighteen faults, Banārsī serves the Lord for whom all this is naturally wiped out.[95]

Note: "[S]leep in service of the king" (v.2): This may ultimately refer to Kundakunda's Samayasāra 1.17–18. Kundakunda compares the seeker for liberation with the man who seeks a king able to provide him sustenance. For the seeker, only the jīvarāyā (jīvarāja; Hindi jīvanṛpa) is useful, and that jīvarāja is the ātman. Seeking his pure ātman, man serves the right king. Man becomes that which he experiences and gives preference to. This is also expressed in pad 3 (above). "[E]ighteen faults": In Jainism, these are faults of misconceptions or emotions on the part of the worldlings, while for the omniscient there is no (1) birth, (2) death), (3), sleep, (4) fear, (5) illness, (6) confusion, (7) affliction, (8) astonishment, (9) aging, (10) fatigue, (11) sweating, (12) arrogance, (13) enmity, (14) desire, (15) sorrow, (16) affection, (17) thirst, nor (18) hunger. The pratikramaṇa (confession of sins) follows the catalogue of these eighteen faults (Petit 2013: 34). Banārsīdās dwelt on these in his Samayasāranāṭak (13.108).

11. Doharā

Like the merciful giver giving alms to the needy, The guru out of mildness gives instruction to the ignorant. (1)

The good guru preaches to the ignorant; mind, pay attention, pay attention! Understand well the guru's word! It is the cause of your well-being. (2)

If you can understand, understand now, for a human body is hard to obtain! When will you meet him again? Be[96] the cātak yearning for the cloud! (3)

Rāg Bhairūṃ

Stupid fellow, understand what I say to you Nothing that you see with your eyes is yours. (Refrain) These eyes have come into existence only due to error; they are engrossed in the liquor of error, They push for error wherever they can find it — these are the eyes you dote on! (1)

These two eyes are made of flesh, flesh perceives but flesh, They are veiled by the sleep of confusion, what you see are phantoms. (2)

How can you trust those eyes? They may perish any moment, They perceive matter, but you are not matter. (3)

The eyes' faculty is contingent, without light they cannot see, You think that the light of fire, sun and moon is yours. (4)

With open eyelids you don't see a thing, with closed eyelids neither, These two deceptive eyes wander restlessly. (5)

The unsteady body that you have received cannot be regarded as the companion of the Stable One, So realize that your eyes are elusive, once gone they don't return.[97] (6)

Your real eyes are imprinted in your body, but you are a blind man tottering about, Let your eyes either open by themselves, or let the contact with the guru open them! (7)

Note: The doharā and the following pad belong together which points to the living tradition of performance. The doharā sets the theme subsequently elaborated by the pad. Here the theme is that of the blindfolded worldling, whose blindness can only be cured by the guru.

12. Rag Gauḍī

Stupid fellow, the eyes of the heart are such  That they incite the opulence of happiness, and destroy the opulence of error. (Refrain) If the eyes overflow with the elixir of immortality, they realize only the Word, If the eyes regard the highest good, man will accomplish his end. (1)

If the eyes are fixed on the state of the Absolute, no karma sullies them, If the body is revealed to these eyes, the invisible pure One is awake. (2)

If with such eyes he discerns differences and qualities, the wise reflects on wisdom, If he sees his true form with such eyes, the muni abides in meditation. (3)

If one wakes with such eyes, all worldly matters are unraveled as false, If such eyes see the calming Śiva face-to-face, the degradation of the objects is rolled back. (4)

If the splendour of the Highest resides in such eyes, their sight has no support elsewhere, If such eyes behold the Eternal in deep absorption, they do not blink. (5)

If to such eyes the light appears, it shines in them, Incongruence disappears from them and the rasa of sameness shines forth. (6)

If the eyes have attained their perfectly true form, they distinguish between world and transcendence, Give up all ambiguity, and you will reach the state of unambiguity. (7)

Note: Verse 3 mentions the discernment of "differences and virtues" (bheda guna) as a condition for the awakening of wisdom. The concept of bheda goes back to Kundakunda, who emphasized the difference between the soul and everything else (Dundas 2002: 108). Besides, there are many other categories of difference in Jainism, such as the the fourteen categories of examining (mārgaṇa) the destiny of creatures. (Petit 2013: 189-91), or the differences of the five elements (pañca bheda; Petit 2013: 144f.). Guṇas are the virtues of the fundamental triad of god, scripture and teacher, but can also refer more particularly to the progressively refined fourteen qualities of the guṇasthāna concept (Cort 2003: 281-82).  In the terminology of Banārsīdās, "Śiva" (v. 4) is an equivalent of the absolute" (Petit 2013: 126). Premī (BV-P, p. 50) reminds us that Banārsīdās was also a devotee of Śiva, whom he revered as a deity and the absolute. For this, see his full-length composition in praise of Śiva, Śivapaccīsī (BP-P, pp. 153-55), for more examples, Ardhakathānak, vv. 236-37 (AK-L, p. 37), or Adhyātmabattīsī, v. 32 cd (BV-P, p. 150).

13. Rāg Kāfī

 

Lord, wish-fulfilling jewel, you are my true master, You take away the sorrow of the three worlds; I get up in the morning and pronounce your name. (Refrain) You have the ardour of the sun, your great power fights the ardour of the world, As one beholds your image with love, the darkness of ignorance vanishes. (1)

Compassionate with the wretched, ward off pain, crisis, and rebirth[98], Grant me the abode of fearlessness, let existence not take another round! (2)

Your image shines in front of me, installed at a stable place at an auspicious time, Your slave Banārsī meditates and puts his supplication before it. (3)

Note: Verse 1 speaks of mithyāta, that is, mithyātva "wrong belief, false views of reality," for which see note to pad 2.

14. Now follows the Holī song on the Spirit

How will you find him but as the Spirit, which is the very form of the Supreme Man? When the bodiless body is found in the interior of your body, there prevails unfathomable, matchless majesty. (Refrain) When the irregular tree is in full bloom, the spring of sahaj has arrived,  The mind, a bee drunk with the wafting fragrance of remembrance. (1)

The right understanding of the Spirit is the cuckoo, rapturous the breeze hitherto unknown, The haze and clouds of error have dispersed, numbness disappears. (2)

The night of illusion is lifting, sun and moon prevail in harmony, The days ripe with confusion dwindle, the hoarfrost of doubt is gone. (3)

New foliage of auspiciousness is sprouting, the dry leaves of inauspiciousness fall, The jasmine of sensuality has withered; the creeper of detachment spreads. (4)

The moon of discernment is speckless, in heavy showers the nectar of steadfastness pours down, The moonlight of strength spreads; the eye, a joyful sheldrake. (5)

The fire of remembrance is ablaze; the sun of righteous religion, strong, The heart lotus is blooming, the pollen of fame bursts forth. (6)

The snowy mountain of tenacious passions melts, rivers join[99] to wipe out karma,  The stream of firmness flows in the direction of the Śiva Sea. (7)

The reign of false words is wiped out; truth has awoken to action, The shrubby land has become pleasant in the reign of King Spring. (8)

Formerly the earth was prone to recurrent existence, the eight kinds of karma formed a thicket, But now the invisible formless soul plays the Holī of dharma. (9)

The earth has found a band of nayas, with wisdom and meditation for its drum and cymbal, For the syringe, there is striving for the supreme state; for red powder, discipline and love. (10)

Let the rāg of detachment be intoned in the auspicious tune of loving devotion, Let there be the joy of immersion in the supreme rasa, let the ten gifts be given. (11)

The sweetmeat of compassion is succulent, the dry fruits of austerity are exquisite, The water of virtue is pleasantly cool, discipline is the choicest pān. (12)

The body shines with sexual restraint, in this way shamelessness is practiced, Let the mouth pronounce the untellable tale, in this way obscene songs are sung. (13)

For bawdy Holī songs, there are the songs on virtue, for opium, love of purest taste, Mind, speech and discipline relish in waves of happiness. (14)

The highest light shines forth, lit up for a Holī fire, All the eight pieces of wood have been reduced to ashes, their heat has cooled down. (15)

Eighty-five prakṛtis were lit, they are now letters written in the ashes, Bathed and clean, he will never again play in these. (16)

Revel in the virtue of sahaj strength! Reflect, Banārsīdās!  All your friends tell you that this is the way to avoid the perils of the sea of confusion.[100]

Note: "Sheldrake" (v. 5): cakora, the bird that is said to drink moonrays for its only sustainance. The composition is full of Jain terms. Verse 6 speaks of "righteous religion" (samakita = samyaktva), for which see the annotation to the previous song. "Passions" (v. 6) corresponds to kaṣāi = kaṣāya, which account for the binding of the soul to karmic matter. The wiping out of karma, mentioned in v. 7, refers to karma nirjarā, "annihilation of karma" in the sense of all karmic matter having fallen off from the soul. For Śiva in "Śiva Sea" (v. 7) see the note to pad 12 above. The "Śiva Sea," then, is the ocean of liberation, though the term alludes also to the particular relationship Banārsīdās, "the servant of Banaras," has with the city of Śiva.  The "eight kinds of karma" of v. 9 are jñānāvaraṇa-karma, which hides the soul's knowledge of itself; darśanāvaraṇa-karma, which hides the soul's faculty to discern; vedanīya-karma, which hides the soul's serenity; mohanīya-karma, which hides the soul's faculty of true faith and proper conduct; āyus-karma, which accounts for the amount of life (not the length of life as counted by years); nāma-karma, which accounts for the differences among souls; gotra-karma, which accounts for the hierarchical station acquired by birth; and antarāya-karma, which hinders the energy of the soul (Glasenapp 1964: 159-65). For naya in v. 10, see note to pad 3. The text has nai, which can also be interpreted as an equivalent of nava, "new." For the "tenfold gift" of v. 11, see Banārsīdās's Daśadānavidhāna, in which he makes an allegorical description of the ten gifts, namely, cow, gold, servant girl, house, elephant, horse, accoutrement, a wife from a good family, sesame, land, and chariot; BV-P, pp. 182-84). The "eight pieces of wood" (v. 15), finally, are again the eight kinds of karma.

 

4.4. Shared sensibilities

In their devotional songs, Banārsīdās and the Sants drew from common sources which they digested in line with their various traditions.[101] The songs share topics which are usually announced in the refrains of the compositions. Main topics are the "I" in relation to the mystical reality, the praise of or longing for the guru, and the hollowness of life as an instant in the swirl of existence. Time shrinks to the "now or never," that is, the present human life, difficult to attain and forming the short span in which transformation into the state transcending time has to be achieved.[102] This emphasis, as it were, blotches out the doctrinal notions of endless cycles of existence and the uncertainty of release, let alone the Jain doctrine that release requires that the seeker be a male mendicant. The teaching of devotional songs is: "Rebirth shall be no more." For the Jains, the shackles of existence are broken by insight into the radical difference between the phenomena and the absolute self. Similarly with the Sants, but with the great difference that the self is thought to merge with the supreme. The shrinking of time to the present moment adds to those poems an element of desperate urgency.

How would Dādūpanthīs or other Sants have perceived the specific Jain tenor and terms of Banārsīdās's compositions? Banārsīdās excels in transporting with precision Jain doctrinal concepts into the vernacular, and this is also the case for his songs, though in these his tone is the intensely personal one appropriate for the genre. One could of course argue that, compared with the thematic and emotional similarity of his songs with Sant compositions, particular Jain terms here and there may not have much affected their appreciation outside the Jain milieu. This would perhaps go to underestimate the critical perception of the recipients of those compositions, especially those who engaged with Banārsīdās's works to the extent of adopting these in their own collections.The point is rather that most of the Jain terms are shared by Sants, in the concepts of whom, however, these may range differently. Such terms are jīva, mithyāta, bheda, or sahaj. The numerous enumerations of doctrinally relevant phenomena in Jain texts form another issue. Banārsīdās uses at least three of these, namely, eight kinds of karma (for example in pad 10.2), ten gifts (pad 14.11) and eighteen faults (pad 10.3). Sants do not speak of eight kinds of karma, but they mention the "eight kinds of affliction," the Jain and the Sant eights sharing in their negative value. Likewise, Sants do not speak of ten gifts or eighteen kinds of faults. The common listener may not have much bothered about the details of all those aggregates. Sant poetry uses similar lists, common to the literary tradition or more specifically related to concepts of the tantric-yogic esoteric body. Numbers as they occur in poetry beckon to rather than precisely define phenomena, and thereby allow for a wide ambit of interpretation. Certain terms may gloss over difference, such as the name Rādhāramaṇ (pad 9.1). Finally, supplication made before the image of the Jina (pad 13.3) contradicts Sant principles but did not stand in the way of the pad finding its way into a Dādūpanthī collection. The whole composition could generously be interpreted as the interior creation of the Jina by imagination. Given the shared sensibilities, the rarely occurring exclusively Jain terms in Banārsīdās's songs - nigoda (pad 6.2) and naya (pad 14.10) - may have been taken lightly by Sants, however heavily charged with meaning the terms be for the Jains themselves.

 

5. Conclusion

When Prithināth and Rajab, a Nāth and a Dādūpanthī, respectively, criticized the Jains, they both argued as monists against the false consciousness of the dualist Jains and the devastating consequences of this for religious practice and ethics. Both authors wrote for their own following and not to engage Jains in a debate. The paper has raised the question if Rajab, supposedly for the better part of his life a resident of Sanganer, took notice of the reformist debates going on in Sanganer among Jains, and, particularly, if he was aware of Banārasīdās and his writings, of which about half a century after his death, sections were incorporated in Dādūpanthī manuscripts, among these in a manuscript originating from the line of Rajab. No interest of Rajab himself in the Jain debates of his day can be pointed to. Latter-day Dādūpanthīs and other Sants read his pads sympathetically as testimonies of interior spirituality and were not deterred by strictly or even exclusively Jain terminology. They must have subsumed this under their Sant monistic understanding. The transmission of Banārsīdās's Samayasāranāly is a different issue. Its adoption into Sant collections resists interpretation as a kind of spiritual osmosis, for the text is consistently doctrinal. Its doctrine may however have appealed to Sant sādhus as a model of gradual perfection.

 

6. TEXTS

6.1. Prithīnāth: Jaina(vāra)dharmasīlasamādhigrantha

Source: Sharma MS. 3190, fols.637r-638v.

/  / indicates an insertion made by the scribe, while () indicates diplography.

प्रथिम बंदौ गुर के पाइ, जत सत संजम िदया िदषाय।

पंच तत का परचा का, ग्रभ थका केवल होइ रा ॥१॥

जैन बोध का इहै उपदेस, समोसरण लै गये नरेस।

ास छ सै सहंस इकबीस, जपै तौ िनपजै िबसवा बीस ॥२॥

धमर् तणां कीध प्रकास, भै भािग पङै छूटै ग्रभवास।

िप्रथीनाथ ग्यांन की गली, िबरला नर िनपजिह केवली ॥३॥

पद कै लया छूटे कमर्, पद कै लचतां िमटे सब भ्रंम।

पदै लयां पङदा षुया, पद कै लया देविन िमया ॥४॥

पद कै लयां केवल भया, पद प्रचै बैकुंठिह गया।

पद िनरंजन ऐकांकार, अनंत िसधा लेउतरे पार ॥५॥

पदिहं न लचिहं लचिहं केस, केसां लया क्या उपदेस।

जब लग मन मनसा[103] िथर नांिह, कवन भरोसा दरसंन मांिह ॥६॥

मन जीते िबन तप न होइ, धोषै मुिक्त न पहुंया कोइ।

जब लग चंचल िनःल नांिह, ऐ कवन कािज बनषंड तप जांिह ॥७॥

तब पोसौ समाई गु सही, जा कै जम मरंण की संक नर ही।

जीवपलैजैपुदगलरहै, पुदगलिबनकोधमर्िहकहै ॥८॥

पुदगलिब नां सरावग नांिह, जुगित िबहूणां उपजिह जांिह।

जुगित जोग /जे/ साधै कोइ, अिरहंत देव िनरंजन होइ ॥९॥

जतीन जांनिह कहां विह जाित, मनसा जात न जांणिह राित।

जब प्रांण यंड तहां तिज जांिह, कहां जती जब देहीं नांिह ॥१०॥

तब िक चार जब तन मन चरै, आपापर दोउ सिम करै।

पंच चोर का मर दै मांन, चंचल जीते पद िन्रबांण ॥११॥(!)

िप्रथीनाथ सरावग जांिण, जे फांसू पद कूं लेइ िपछांिण।

फांसू फांसू सब कोई कहै, फांसू पद कोई िबरला लहै ॥१३॥(!)

ऐ काथक सेली फांसू कर, िबन प्रचै धोषै यौहर।

धोवंिन धांविन जे फांसू होइ, तौ देवलोक पहुंचै सब कोइ ॥१४॥

फांसू तत सरीरिह मािह, तािह न चीहिह धोवन षांिह।

फांसू अिवगत नीझर नीर, िजिन साया त देव सरीर ॥१५॥

अंबर झरै न धरती होइ, सतगुर िबना न पावै कोइ।

फांसू बूंद जीव की जाित, जा कै उतपित प्रलौ िदवस न राित ॥१६॥

जै या बूंद अप्रचै झरै, तौ काहे न जीव अनंतही मरै।

ऐक बूंद की कीमित नािह, जा थ महापुिरष िनपजे जगु माही ॥१७॥

तबही तप जब तत संिम रहै, पाका होइ त बूंद न बहै।

काचा भांडा भीयां गलै, कहा तपु जै जीव न पलै ॥१८॥

िप्रथीनाथ कहै समझाइ, या तंन िबनां तप कहहु िकम ठाइ।

यूं रांक भूषे अंनिह दुकाल, मुवां पीछ कहु कहा सुका[ल] ॥१९॥

जीवत मुिक्त होइ जे जती, द्वारै बूंद झरै नहीं रती।

सास सास उपवास करै, तौ जुरा न यापै मींच न षाइ ॥२०॥

नौ दर मूंिद दस की संिधमा, ता म गरल राषै बंिध।

इिस िबिध िनिध नव कारिह गुंणै, तब अनहद सद अंचंभो भणै ॥२१॥

िप्रथीनाथसीलतपकहै, कोईिबलार्िसलाअलूंणीगहै।

इहै जीव बंग्या लेहु िबचािर, इन म कून पुिरष को किहये नािर ॥२२॥

मन म धोषा ईद्री कस, रांडी कै डिर बनषंड्य बसै।

उमटै िबंद मूंिल नहीं रहै, फाटै /बरतणी/ को पीरा यूं बहै ॥२३॥

परंमहंस कूं चीै नांिह, इद्री बंिध चले बन मांिह।

मनसा सक्ती मन म हसै, कहा भयौ जै बंन म बसै ॥२४॥

जब यहु प्रांण यंड तिहं चलै, तब कवन तेज घिर इंद्री िमलै।

बूंद बूंद सब को क कहै, महाबूंद कोई िबरला लहै ॥२५॥

नां वहु छीजै नां वहु गलै, वहु न बूंद जे भग्य मुिष ढलै।

दसव द्वािर बूंद का षेल, जल की बीित अिग्न का तेज ॥२६॥

िबंदक पुिरस अिग्न की धार, इहै पद ले सीझे नांम कुवांर।

इस बुिध जीव सीव म रहै, िप्रथीनाथ महातपु कहै ॥२७॥

इहै सत सील इहै सत धरंम, जांिहं िबचांयार् भागां भ्रंम।

सील सब का दुलंभ घाट, महापुिरष सीझे ितस बाट[104] ॥२८॥

इहै जीवर धरंम जीव प्रितपाल, जा कूं राज छािड सेवंिह भोवाल।

देही छािड न हंसा जाइ, गगन गुफा म जती समाइ ॥२९॥

िजिन इहै धमर् िबचायार् नांिह, ितिन कत अवतार लीया जगु मािह।

सय कै मंिदर रिव की झाल, जै िफिर बसै तौ दव न काल ॥३०॥

इस बुिध लका लंवंिह समांन, बाचा फूटी पद िन्रबांण।

तब लका या लविह समाविह, नहीं तौ दरंसंन माहीं ॥३१॥

जीव जतन का किठन िबचार, जतनिह अनंत िसधा उतरै पार।

सब पुिरषन एकै साथ, इिस बुिध सीझे ी पारसनाथ ॥३२॥

तबिह रषीर शुर कूं धरै, मिलन यंड तिद देवत करै।

पांचौ इंद्री(पांचौइद्री[105]) तजिह िबकार, धरम लाभ जीते संसार ॥३३॥

तीरथ भए सब तत िपछांिण, धरंम धजा ले चढे िबवांिण।

इसह िसध चौबीस देवथांन, बाज मढे बाजै नीसांण ॥३४॥

सात तबक सोलह असमांन, कोिटिकरंिण रिव उग्या भांण।

संिस कै मंिदर रिव संचरै, इहै सील साये िनतरै ॥३५॥

जीवन का पद िगयांन, िसध कला इहै देवथांन।

इस बुिध जोगी मंन ले रा, ितिन आम प्रचै सब सुष ला ॥३६॥

धरंम कथा का का बषांण, बक्ता ुता पुत्र कयांण।

जे साधिह ते तप करी बली, महारन बरसिह केवली ॥३७॥

आपापर िजिन समया नािह, तीिन धोषा धिर थापे जगु मांिह।

बाज िबचाया बहुतक बा, इन मै आम जीती नां को रा ॥३८॥

धरंम ऐक पिर धोषा घणां, िबलार् मन जीतिह आपणां।

जे इहै चंचल बिस किर लेइ, षट दरसंण का सतगुर सेई ॥३९॥

ध्रंमी सील ी यंभूनाथ, ी मंिछंद्र सबहीं नाथ।

अनंत िसधां गु गोषर्नाथ, ध्रंम उपदेस ी प्रीथीनाथ ॥४०॥

6.2. Rajab: Jain jañjāl

Source: RV-N, pp. 930-33.

सुनहु संत यहु जैन जंजाल, कपट कमर् की बांधी चाल।

नाम िनरंजन स नांिहं, भूल रहे चौबीस मांिहं ॥१॥

द्वादश दूने भूले आय, आतम लाई अपने भाय।

यहु मोटा कीहा यिभचार, क्य छेङै भगवत भरतार ॥२॥

तांबा लोहा पलटिहं अंग, सदा सु सुिनये पारस संग।

पर सोने सोना कदे न होय, तो चव छके न सदगित कोय ॥३॥

जती कहाव जड़े जंजाल, देश देहुरे कीही साल।

ितन आरंभ वार न पार, परिह प्रािण िशर पाप पहार ॥४॥

शत्रुंजय सुिध ही जांिहं, आगे पाथर बोलै नांिहं।

मारहीं जीवहु आवत जात, तहां चढ़ावै फूल  पात ॥५॥

पाथर पूजिहं जती न जाय, गृिहय को सो देय ढ़ाय।

िवष समा न गु तात न लेय, िशष सुत को सो हलाहल देय ॥६॥

वैय वणर् समझे निहं बात, जैन जय म मोटी घात।

आपन पूजै ितनहुं पुजाव, फोटे फंफ फलौदी आव ॥७॥

दया ढाव दु शरीर, मरत देय न भोजन नीर।

कर पयुर्षण गु कन जांिहं, कह पुय बिणय िमल खािहं ॥८॥

य िबन पारीछै रहट वप, पािण पड़ै सु भीतर कूप।

ऐसा धमर् सू दीसै जैन, सु हूं सकल ये साचे बैन ॥९॥

नाक नकपती जीव िवचार, रमिहं िदशांतर कोस हजार।

काचा पानी भींट नांिहं, चलते पठै निदय मांिहं ॥१०॥

ावण मास शहर की भीख, मार जीवहुं बीखै बीख।

उन के हेतु उघाड़ हांडी, मरिहं भाफ िजव पूरी भांडी ॥११॥

पृवी आप तेज नभ पवन, ितने के जीव सु टालै कवन।

बाहर भीतर ये ही पांच, ितन म सारे नाचिहं नांच ॥१२॥

मैली मनसा मैल भेश, लागिहं पाप उपारिहं केश।

मनमथ करम कर घट मांिहं, चमर् ि देख सो नांिहं ॥१३॥

लेखै पाप सु उतरै नांिहं, चोरी चूक जड़ी िजव मांिहं।

एक िह अघ उतरै सो दूिर, चौिबस सुिमरे भग भूिर ॥१४॥

हाथ न कौड़ी दये कौिड़, बैठे बिणय स मन जोिड़।

िबन िवासी फेर न सार, िभक्षा मांगिहं द्वै द्वै बार ॥१५॥

अशन वसन सब आछे लेिहं, पांशू किह किह फीटे देिहं।

पांशू किहये तेती बात, िवा व बाहर जात ॥१६॥

िरिष मूरख पांशू किर लेिहं, घर के धणी पाप सब देिहं।

यहु पाखंड को समझाय, सो अघरािश कौन घर जाय ॥१७॥

अन पािन काचे स भागै, सोई सांझ सवारे मांगै।

नीली भाजी दोष लगाव, पाकी पात्र मांिहं घलाव ॥१८॥

िनषध नािरयल िशर सम होय, फोड़्या पीछे दोष न कोय।

ऐसे कपट घणे घट मांिहं, संसारी सो समझै नांिहं ॥१९॥

नौ िबिध बाड़ सु वामा बोड़े, करी आरया सो सब तोड़े,

बोल झूठ नाम िबन नीच, िशर ऊपर सूझी निहं मीच ॥२०॥

आिग अनंत मुख सेक नािहं, मुये सो दीजे ता मांिहं,

सकल त की फोड़ी पाल, जन रजब जग जैन जंजाल ॥२१॥

6.3. Banārsīdās

Source: VB MS. 12, fols.316r-18v, collated with BV-P.

In BV-P, Nāthurām Premī does not specify the manuscripts at the base of his edition. In both VB MS. 12 and BV-P the compositions are numbered continuously (across rāgs, pads and doharās).

Banārsī's compositions as they appear in VB MS. 12 were copied from an earlier manuscript as is evident from the kind of scribal mistakes. In many cases, the readings of BVP are superior to VB MS. 12, though VB MS. 12 has a couple of genuine variant readings.  The title of the text listed as no. 14 is given as "Adhyātama dhamāli," which is closer to the title "Phāga dhamāla" mentioned by Banārsī (AK-L, v. 626) than the title "Adhyātama phāga" given in BV-P. It is one of the works written between 1623 and 1635 (VS 1680 and 1692; AK-L, vv. 623-25). The rāgs given for the various songs are not absolutely identical in VB MS. 12 and BV-P. From this it can be concluded that around the turn of the eighteenth century there existed slightly different versions of Jagjīvan's compilation.

VB MS. 12, fols. 316r–318v

BV-P

1. rāg Bhāirūṃ

1. rāg Bhairav (pp. 231f.)

2. rāg Rāmkalī

2. rāg Rāmkalī (p. 232)

3. rāg Rāmkalī

3. rāg Rāmkalī (p. 233)

4. rāg Belāval

6. rāg Bilāval (pp. 234f.)

5. rāg Belāval

7. rāg Bilāval (p. 235f.)

6. rāg Sāraṅg Dhanāśrī

11. rāg Dhanāśrī (p. 240)

7. rāg Dhanāśrī

12. rāg Dhanāśrī (pp. 240f.)

8. rāg Sāraṅg

13. rāg Sāraṅg (p. 241)

9. rāg Sāraṅg

14. rāg Sāraṅg (pp. 241f.)

10. rāg Sāraṅg bṛndāvanī

15. rāg Sāraṅg bṛndāvanī (ṭek shorter in the beginning; p. 242)

11. doharā

17. ālāpa, dohā (pp. 243f.)

rāg Bhairūṃ

18. rāg Gaurī (pp. 244f.)

12. rāg Gauṛī

19. rāg Gaurī (pp. 245f.)

13. rāg Kāphī

21. rāg Kāphī (pp. 246f.)

14. अथ अयातम धमािल िलयते

अथ अयातम फाग िलख्यते (pp. 157-59)

 

राग भैं

या चेतन की सब सुिध [106]गई ॥ यापक मोह िबकलता भई ॥

है जड प अपावन देह ॥ ता स राषै परंम सनेह ॥टेक॥

[107]आइ िमलै जन वारथ बंध ॥ ितन ही कुटुंब कहै जीव अंध ॥

आप अकेला जनमै मरै ॥ सकल लोक की ममता धरै ॥१॥

होत िबभूित दान कै दीये ॥ यह परपंच िबचारै हीयै ॥

भरमत िफरै न पावै वौर ॥ ठानै मूढ और की और ॥२॥

बंध हेतु करै जु षेद ॥ जानै नहीं मोष कौ भेद ॥

िमटै सहज संसार िनवास ॥ तब सुष होइ बनारसीदास ॥३॥१॥

राग रामकली

चेतन तूं ितहु काल अकेला ॥

नदी नाव संजोग िमलै य ॥ य कुटुंब का मेला ॥टेक॥

यह संसार असार प सब ॥ य पटपेषन षेला ॥

सुष संपित शरीर जल बुदबुदा ॥ िबनसत नांही बेला ॥१॥

मोह मगंन आतम गुनभूलत ॥ परी तोिह गलजेला [108]

म म करत िचहु गित डोलत ॥ बोलत जैसै छैला ॥२॥

कहत बनारिस[109] िमया मत तिज ॥ हिह सुगु का चेला ॥

तासु बदन परतीित आिन िजय॥ होइ सहज सुरझेला ॥२॥

 

मगंन होइ अराधै साधौ[110] ॥ अलष पुरष प्रभु ऐसा ॥

जहां जहां िजस रस स राचै ॥ तहां तहां ितस मै तैसा ॥टेक॥

सहज प्रवान [111] पवान प म ॥ संसै मै संसै सा ॥

धरै चपलता चपल कहावै ॥ लै िवधांन म लै सा ॥१॥

उद्यम[112]करै त उद्यमी किहए ॥ उदै सप उदै सा ॥

यबहारी यबहार[113] करंम म ॥ िनहचै म िनहचै सा ॥२॥

पूरन दसा धरै संपूरन ॥ नै िबचार म नै सा ॥

दिबर्त सदा अषै सुष सागर ॥ भािवत उतपित षै सा ॥३॥

नांही[114] कहत होइ नाही सा॥ है किहये तो है सा ॥

एक अनेक प ै बरता ॥ कहौ कहां लौ कैसा ॥४॥

वह अपार यौ रतन अमोिलक ॥ बुिध िबबेक यौ पैसा ॥

कलिपत बचन िबलास बनारिस[115] ॥ वह जैसै कातैसा ॥५ ॥३॥

राग बेलावल

ऐस क्य प्रभु पाइय ॥ सुिन मूरष प्रानी ॥

जैस िनरिष मरीिचका ॥ मृग मानत पांनी ॥टेक॥

य पकवांन चुरैल कौ ॥ िबषया रस यही ॥

ता के लालच तूं िफरै ॥ भ्रम भूिल न यही ॥१॥

देहा अपावन षेह की[116] ॥ अपिन किर मानी ॥

भाषा मनसा करंम की ॥ सो त िनजकर जानी ॥२॥

नाउ कहावत लोक की ॥ सो तोिह न भूलै ॥

जाित जगत की कलपना ॥ ता म तूं झूलै ॥३॥

माटी भूिम पहार की ॥ तोिह संपित सूझै ॥

प्रगट पहेली मोह की ॥ तूं तौ न बूझै ॥४॥

त कबहूं िनज गुन िबषै ॥ िनज ि न दीनी ॥

पराधीन पर वतु स ॥ अपनाइत कीनी ॥५॥

य मृग नािभ सुबास[117] स ॥ ढूंढत बन दौरै ॥

य तुझ मै तेरो धनी ॥ तूं षोजत औरै ॥६॥

करता भरता भोिगता ॥ घट स घट माही ॥

ग्यान िबना सदगुर िबना ॥ तूं समझत नाही ॥७ ॥४॥

 

ऐस य प्रभु पाइयै ॥ सुिण पंिडत प्रांणी ॥

य मिथ माषण कािढये ॥ दिध मेिल मथाणी ॥टेक॥

य रस लीन रसांयनी ॥ रस रीित आराधै ॥

यौ घट मै परमारथी ॥ परमारथ साधै ॥१॥

जैस बैद िबथा लहै ॥ गुन दोष िबचारै ॥

तैस पंिडत िपंड की ॥ रचना िनरवारै ॥२॥

िपंड सप अचेत है ॥ प्रभु प न कोई ॥

जानै मानै रिम रहै ॥ घट यापक सोई ॥३॥

चेतन लछन है धनी ॥ जड लछन काया॥

चंचल लछन िच है ॥ भ्रम लछन माया ॥४॥

लछन भेद िबलेिछ क ॥ सु िबच िछन[118] बेदै ॥

ससप[119] िहए धरै ॥ भ्रमप उछेदै ॥५॥

य रज सोधै यािरया ॥ धन स मन की लै ॥

य मुिन कमर् िबपाक मै ॥ अपनै रस झीलै ॥६॥

आपु लषै जब आपु क ॥ दुिबधापद मेटै ॥

सेवक सािहब एक है ॥ तब को किह भेटै ॥७ ॥५॥

राग सारंग धनाी

चेतन उलटी चाल चलै ॥

जड प्रसंग ते जडता यापी ॥ िनज गुन सकल टले ॥टेक॥

िहत स िबरिच ठगनी स राचै ॥ मोह िपसाच छले ॥

हिस हिस फंद सवािर आपु ही ॥ मेलत आपु गले ॥१॥

आए िनकिस िनगोद िसंधु ते ॥ िफिर तेह फंद ढले[120]

कैसै परगट हो आिग य ॥ दबी पहार तले[121] ॥२॥

भूले भव भ्रम बीच बनारिस ॥ तुम सग्यान भले ॥

गुन शुभयांन ग्यांन नौका चिढ ॥ बैठे ते िनकले ॥३॥ [६॥]

राग धनाी

चेतन कन तोिह संभार ॥

नष सष ल िदढ बंधन बैठे ॥ कन करै िनरवार ॥टेक॥

जैस आिग पषांन काठ म ॥ लिष निह[122]परित लगार ॥

मिदरा पांन िकए[123] मितवारौ ॥ तािह न कछू िबचार ॥१॥

य गजराज पखार [124]आप तनु ॥ आपिह डारत छार ॥

आपु ही उगिल[125] पाट कौ कीरा ॥ तनिह लपेट तारा ॥२॥

सहज कबूतर [126] लोटन कौ सौ ॥ षुलै न पेच अपार ॥

और उपाइ न बनै बनारिस ॥ सुिमरन भजन अधार ॥३ ॥७॥

राग सारंग

दुिबया कब जैहै या मन की ॥

कब िनज नाथ िनरंजन सुिमर ॥ तिज सेवा जन जन की ॥टेक॥

कब घट अंतर है िनरंतर ॥ िदढता सुगु बचन की ॥

कब सुभ यान धर समता गिह ॥ कर न ममता तन की ॥१॥

कब िच स पीवै िद्रग चाित्रग ॥ बूंद अषैपद घन की ॥

कब सुष लह भेिट [127]परमारथ॥ मेिट धारना धन की ॥२॥

कब घर छािढ होउ एकाकी ॥ िलए लालसा बंन की ॥

ऐसी दसा होइ कब मेरी ॥ हौ बिल बिल वा छन की ॥३ ॥८॥

हम बैठे अपने मोन स ॥

िदन दस के मिहमांन जगत जन ॥ वोिल िबगारै कन स ॥टेक॥

गए िबलाइ भ्रम के बादर ॥ परमारथ पंथ पन स ॥

अब अंतरगित भई हमारै ॥ परचै राधारन स ॥१॥

प्रगटी सुधापान की मिहमा[128] ॥ मन निह लागै बोन स ॥

िषननसुहाइऔररसफीके[129] ॥िचसािहबकेलनस ॥२॥

रहे अघाइ पाइ सुष संपित ॥ कौ िनकसै िनज मन स ॥

सहज भाव सतगुर की संगित ॥ सुरझे आवागन स ॥३ ॥९॥

सारंग बृंदाबनी

सुषदायक सुष एक[130] जगत म ॥ सो देविन कौ देव[131]

जासु चरन पारिस इंद्रािदक हौिह मुकत वयमेव ॥टेक॥

जो न छुिदत तृिषत[132] भयाकुल ॥ इंद्री िबषय न बेव ॥

जनम न होइ जरा निह यापै ॥ िमटी मरन की टेव ॥१॥

जा कै नही िबषाद िबसमय ॥ निह आठ अहमेव ॥

राग िबरोध मोह निह जा कै ॥ निह िनद्रा नृपसेव[133] ॥२॥

निह तन रोग न म निह िचंता[134] ॥ दोष अठारह[135] भेव ॥

िमटे सहज जा[136] के ता प्रभु की ॥ करत बनारिस सेव ॥३ ॥१०॥

सारंग संपूरण ॥

दोहरां

य दातार दयाल होइ ॥ देइ दीन कौ भीष॥

[137] गु कौमल भाव स ॥ कहै मूढ क सीष ॥१॥

सुगु प्रचारै[138]मू ढ क ॥ िचतु चेतु िचतु चेतु ॥

समुिझ समुिझ गु कौ सबद ॥ यह तेरौ िहत हेतु ॥२॥

समुिझ सकै तौ समुिझ अब ॥ है दुरलभ[139] नर देह ॥

िफिर यह संगित कब िमलै ॥ तूं चाित्रग ह मेह ॥३॥

राग भैं

भौदू भाई समुिझ सबद इह मेरा ॥

जो तूं देषै इह आंिषन स ॥ ता मै कछू न तेरा ॥टेक॥

ए आंषै भ्रम ही स उपजी॥ भ्रम ही के रस पागी॥

जहं जहं[140] भ्रम तहं तहं इन कौ म ॥तूं इहहीं कौ रागी ॥१॥

ए आंषै दोऊ रईं[141] चाम की ॥ चामिह चाम िबलोचै॥

ता की ओट[142] मोहिनद्रा युत ॥ सुपनप तूं जोवै ॥२॥

इन आंिषन कौ कोन भरोसौ ॥ ए िबनसै िछन[143] मांही ॥

है इन क पुदगल परचै सौ[144] ॥तूं तौ पुदगल नांही ॥३॥

पराधीन बल इह आंषिन कौ ॥ िबनु परगास न सूझै ॥

सो परगास अगिन रिब सिस कौ ॥ तूं अपनौ किर बूझै ॥४॥

षुल[145] पलक ए िकछु न इक[146] देषिह ॥ मूंद पलक निह सौऊ ॥

कबहूं जांिह हिह िफिर कबहूं ॥ भ्रामक आंषै दोऊ ॥६॥

जंगम काइ पाइ प्रगटै निहं ॥[147] थावर के साथी ॥

तूं तौ इह मािन अपने िद्रग ॥ भयौ भीम कौ हाथी ॥७॥

तेरे िद्रग मुिद्रत घट अंतर ॥ अंधप तूं डोलै[148]

कै तौ सहज षुलै वै आषै ॥कै गुर संगित षोलै ॥८ ॥११॥

राग गौड़ी

भौदू भाई ते िहरदै की आंषै ॥

जे करषै अपनी सुष संपित ॥भ्रम की संपित नाषै ॥टेक॥

जे आंषै अमृतरस बिरषै ॥ पिरषै केवल बानी ॥

िजिह आंिषन िबलोिक परमारथ ॥हिह कृतारथ प्रानी ॥१॥

िजह आंिषन मै दसा केवल की ॥ कमर् लेप निह लागै ॥

िजह आंषिन के प्रगट होत घट ॥ अलष िनरंजन जागै ॥२॥

िजह आंिषह स िनरिष भेद गुन ॥ ज्ञांनी ज्ञांन िबचारै ॥

िजह आंिषह स[149] लिष सप ॥ मुिन यांन धारणा धारै ॥३॥

िजह आंिषह कै जगे ॥ जगत के लगे काज सब झूठे ॥

िजह स समन होइ िशव सनमुष ॥ िबषै िबकार अपूठे ॥४॥

िजह आंिषह मै प्रभा परम की ॥ परसहाय निह लेषै ॥

जे समािध सौ लषै अषंिडत ॥ ढकै न पलक िनमेषै ॥५॥

िजह आिषह की योित प्रगिट कै ॥ इह आंिषह मै भासै ॥

तब इहहूं की िमटै िबषमता ॥ समता रस परगासै ॥६॥

जे आंष पूरन सप धिर ॥ लोकालोक लषावै ॥

ए वै यह वह सब िबकलप[150] तिज ॥ िनरिबकलप पद पावै ॥७॥१२॥

राग काफी

िचंतामिन वामी सांचा सािहब मेरा ॥

सो(?)क हरै ितहूं लोक कौ[151] ॥ उिठ लीजत नाम सवेरा ॥टेक॥

सूर समान तेज है ॥ जग तेज प्रताप घणेरा ॥

देषत मूरित भाव स ॥ िमिट जात िमयात अंधेरा ॥१॥

दीन दयाल िनवािरयै[152][153]दुष संकट[154] जोिन बसेरा ॥

मोिह अभयपद दीिजये ॥ िफिर होइ नहीं भव फेरा ॥२॥

िबंब िवराजत आगरै ॥ िथर थांन थयौ[155] सुभ बेरा ॥

यांन धरै िबनती करै ॥ बानारिस बंदा तेरा ॥३॥१३॥

अथ अयाम धमािल िलयते॥

अयातम िबनु क्य पाईयै हो ॥ यौ परंमपुरष कौ प ॥

अघट घट अंग घट िमिल रौ हो ॥ मिहमां अगम अनूप[156] ॥टेक॥

िबषम िबरष पूरो भयो हो ॥ आयो सहज बसंत ॥

प्रगटी सुरित[157] सुगंधता हौ ॥ मन मधुकर मयमंत[158] ॥१॥

अयातम य सुमित कोिकला[159] गह गिह हो ॥[160] वही अपूरब बाउ ॥

भरम कुिहर बादर फटे हो ॥ घिट जाइ जड भाउ[161] ॥२॥

माया रजनी लघु भई हो ॥ समरस िदवस सजीत[162]

मोह पंक की िथित घटी हो ॥ संसै िसिसर वतीत ॥३॥

सुभदल पलव लहलहे हो ॥हिह असुभ पतझार ॥

मिलन िबषय [163] रितमालतीहो॥िबरतबेिलिवतार[164] ॥४॥

सिस िबबेक िनमर्ल भयौ हो ॥ िथरता अिमय झकोर[165]

फैली सकित सुचंिद्रका हो ॥ प्रमुिदत नैन चकोर ॥५॥

सुरित अिग्न वाल[166] जगी हो ॥ समिकत भान अमंद ॥

दय कमल िबगसत भयो हो ॥ प्रगटे सुजस मकरंद ॥६॥

िदढ कषाइ िहमगर िगले[167] हो ॥ नदी[168] िनरजरा जोरा ॥

धारा धारना विह चली हो ॥ िशवसागर[169] मुष और ॥७॥

िबतथ बात प्रभुता िमटी हो ॥ जग्यौ जथारथ काज ॥

जंगल भूिम सुहावनी हो ॥ नृप बसंत के राज ॥८॥

भवपरनित बसुधा[170] भई हो ॥ अकमर् बनजाल ॥

अलष अमूरित आतमा हो ॥ षैल[171] धरम धमाल ॥९॥

नै पंकित चाचरी िमली हो ॥ ग्यान यान डफताल ॥

िपचकारी पद साधना हो ॥ संबर भाव गुलाल ॥१०॥

राग वैराग आलापीयै[172] हो ॥ भाव भगित सुभ तान ॥

रीझ परंम रस लीनता हो ॥ दीजै दस िबिध दांन॥११॥

दया[173] िमठाई रस भरी हो ॥ तप मेवा परधांना ॥

सीलसिललअितसीयलोहो॥संजमनागरपांन ॥१२॥

गुपत अंग परकािसयो हो ॥ यह िनलजता रीित॥

अकथ कथा मुिष भाषीयै हो ॥ यह गारी िनरनीित ॥१३॥

उधत गुन रिसया िमले हो ॥ अमल िबमल रस पेम ॥

सुष[174] तरंग मै छिक रहे हो ॥ मनसा बाचा नेम ॥१४॥

परंम जोित प्रगट भई हो ॥ लगी होिलका आिग ॥

आठ काठ सब जिर बुझे हो ॥गई तताई भािग ॥१५॥

प्रकृित पयासी लिग रही हो ॥ भसम लेष[175] है सोई ॥

हाइ धोइ उवल भये हो ॥ िफिर ितहां षेलै न कोइ ॥१६ ॥१४॥

[176]सहज शिक्त गुण खेिलये हो ॥ चेत बनारसीदास ॥

सगे सखा ऐस कहै हो ॥ िमटै मोह दिध फास ॥[१७]॥

 

REFERENCES

Unpublished Material

Nar MS. 314, Dādūdvārā, Narainā

Sharma MS. 3190, Śrī Sañjay Śarmā Saṅgrahālay evaṃ Śodh Saṃsthān, Jaipur.

VB MS. 12, Vidyābhūṣaṇ Collection, see Bahurā and Dīkṣit 1961.

 

Dictionaries

BhD

Callewaert, Winand M., with the Assistance of Swapna Sharma. Dictionary of Bhakti. 3 vols. New Delhi: D.K. Printworld, 2009.

CDIAL

Turner, Ralph L. A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Languages. 2 nd   Impression. London: Oxford University Press, 1966/1973.

PSM

Seth, Hargovind Das T. Pāia-sadda-mahaṇṇava: A Comprehensive Prakrit Dictionary. Calcutta, 1923-28.

 

 

Primary Sources

AG

Ādi-Granth. Ādi Srī Gurū Granth Sāhib jī. Amritsar: n.p., n.d.

AK-L

Ardhakathānak of Banārsīdās. Translated by Mukund Lath as Half a Tale: A Study in the Interrelationship Between Autobiography and History. The Ardhakathanaka Translated, Introduced and Annotated. Jaipur: Rajasthan Prakrit Bharati Sansthan, 1981.

AP

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