Dr. Peter Flügel
Part 1
Worshipping the Ideal King
On the Social Implications
of Jaina Conversion Stories
Peter Flügel[1]
The differences between history, hagiology and mythology are deliberately blurred in Jaina (Jain) literature.[2] Not only biographies and universal histories, the caritras and purāṇas,[3] and monastic chronicles and genealogies, the sthavirāvalīs, paṭṭāvalīs and gurvāvalīs,[4] mix or combine mythological tales with historical facts and eulogies, but also secular clan histories and genealogies, vaṃsāvalīs and khyātas,[5] and similar genres of history within the Jain tradition, such as narrative tales, kathās, or collections of stories, prabandhas,[6] epic poetry, mahākāvya or rāsa, or song, gīta, written in Prakrit, Sanskrit and vernacular languages. Although it contains numerous references to historical personalities, events, places and practices,[7] the value of Jain literature as a source for historical research is limited.[8] Two main reasons for this have been identified. Klaus Bruhn highlighted doctrinal imperatives underlying the general trend in Jain literature to systematically absorb the individual in the typical and the ideal.[9] The paradigmatic example is the diminishing interest in the individual life-history of Mahāvīra[10] in post-canonical biographies and universal histories, in contrast to the increasingly elaborate legends and myths surrounding the lives of the Buddha and of Kṛṣṇa.[11] John E. Cort, on the other hand, pointed to the performative function of Jain historical texts in sectarian ceremonial contexts.[12] Doctrinal clichés in Jain historical, biographical and hagiographical writing[13] are not only of dogmatic and stylistic significance, but also function as rhetorical devices that are created and used with transformative intent. Notable is the didactic nature of most texts and their emphasis on transformative experiences such as conversion, renunciation and initiation.[14] From an observer's point of view, conversion experiences are predicated on the "realization and internalization of important dogmatic subjects",[15] for instance the ritual orientation towards the conventional list of the twenty-four Jinas or the sectarian lists of succession;[16] though this perspective cannot account for the 'self-reported' enlightenment experiences of the Jinas themselves, who allegedly formulated the core doctrines in the first place. The genre conventions of monastic biographies and didactic stories are easily blurred and deliberately fuzzy, since both follow the general tendency in Jain literature to absorb the individual in the typical, and to trigger moral transformation in the listener or reader, who is incited to line him/herself up behind the Jinas and their lineages of historical successors. The primary aim of Jain historiography is not the reporting of objective facts but religious transformation.[17]
This article investigates the ways in which conversion stories, at the heart of a wide variety of Jain narrative genres, seek to accomplish their aim to evoke in the listener the interiorisation of Jain values by way of identification with and imitation of the exemplary acts of the paradigmatic heroes of Jain history. The principal narrative technique is self-referentiality. Jain conversion stories generally relate how the act of narrating conversion-stories creates actual conversion experiences leading to monastic initiations. Communicative self referentiality, I argue, puts the audience into a double-bind situation[18] which under certain conditions may effect transformative experiences, especially in contexts such as the daily sermon in the morning assembly which mirror the narrative contexts related in the stories.[19] This argument finds some support in the Jain scriptures themselves, which offer ample reflections on and prescriptions for the proper strategic uses of language.[20] According to the canonical text Ṭhāṇa12 4.2.246, religious discourse, kathā, or more precisely: dharmakathā,[21] is of four kinds:[22]
(1) ākṣepaṇī: attracting the listener,[23]
(2) vikṣepaṇī: establishing one's own religion after characterising others,[24]
(3) saṃvedanī:[25] inspiring detachment by pointing to the deficiencies of the body,[26]
(4) nirvedanī: inspiring indifference by enumerating the bitter and pleasant fruits of karman.[27]Examples of the ways in which Jaina narratives try to attract the listener and the motif of the experience of deficiencies of the body for soteriological purposes will be discussed in part two of this article.
1 The Rhetoric of Jaina Conversion Stories[28]
The Śvetāmbara Jain story literature in particular the medieval kathās, prabandhas and caritras which elaborate older doctrinal and narrative clichés for purposes of religious edification and propaganda (prabhāvanā)[29] has been described as a mixture of poetry, alaṃkāra, and religious treatise, sūtra,[30] in which "the śāstric pill is to be sugared with poetry for the benefit of those who are unable to swallow it as it is".[31] Jacobi already pointed out that most stories also contain historical information, albeit of questionable validity which has to be established through triangulation in each and every case.[32] Hence, in the main, modern scholars have studied Jain narrative literature in a de-contextualized manner; disregarding the fact that stories, particularly historical biographies, are still widely used by Jain mendicants as examples, dṛṣtānta, illustrating the main message of their sermons, pravacana.[33] Biographical narratives are also a popular vehicle for the transmission of religious knowledge in Jain households.[34] Amongst modern scholars, Phyllis Granoff[35], Nalini Balbir[36] and Lawrence Babb[37] emphasised the importance of narratives, particularly miracle stories, for stimulating actual conversion, pratibodhi, towards a Jain word-view or the decision to renounce the world. However, the ways in which Jain religious narratives seek to accomplish their desired end, and the question why medieval stories still resonate with audiences today, are yet to be investigated.
1.1 Strange Loops
I will address these questions in three steps. First, I delimit the general rhetorical strategy of these stories, then analyze two popular conversion stories, and finally investigate implied conditions of their efficacy. I focus on conversion stories, that is, stories which deal with transformative experiences of religious insight, samyag-darśana or samyaktva,[38] because, in my view, they have a unique capacity to exert influence on their audience by inducing in the mind what Hofstadter calls a self-reinforcing "strange loop" between narrative context and performative context.[39] Conversion stories employ a type of narrative reflexivity which is known as 'enunciative' or 'communicative self-reference', where "the text deals with its own communicative context, its function, the presuppositions of his narration, and has thus its own communicative situation as its topic."[40] Scripted Jain stories can refer to their communicative contexts only in a general way, that is, per analogy, by describing the efficacy of a conversion story that is narrated in a similar social context as the scripted story itself. The typical setting for didactic stories is the sermon of a monk or nun at the morning assembly or samavasaraṇa. Speakers who invoke such scripted or orally transmitted stories in a specific context also usually address the potential performative functions of their own utterances only indirectly. The strange loop, if it manifests at all, is not generated by the text or the speaker, but by the listener. Communication-induced transformative insight is triggered in the mind of a self-observing listener only if his/her real life experience resonates with the narrated experience of the literary character. The fact that the listener to a religious discourse finds him/herself in a conventional speech situation,[41] a sermon, which mirrors the situation described in the text facilitates identification with the conversion experience narrated in the story and provokes self-reflection. Thus, the phenomenon to be analysed is the performative function of narrative self-reference, that is, the oblique indexicality of a genre of self-referential texts which describe per analogy their own potential function to evoke the desired insight in the mind of a listener placed in a social setting of the same type as the one described by the text itself.
Jain stories often narrate experiences of kings or merchants, who, through a sudden and only temporary dissociation, nirjarā, of karman, 'break through the veil of false appearances' and gain insight, samyag-darśana, into the inherent qualities of their inner soul, jīva, a substance representing the only ground of certainty.[42] Compared to their 'Hindu' counterparts, Jain (conversion) stories appear realistic, pragmatic and un-poetic.[43] They deny, as a rule, super natural intervention into human affairs and stress the responsibility of the individual for its own fate.[44] The prime purpose of Jain stories, including histories, is didactic. Jain stories do not merely want to inform, entertain[45] or edify[46] the Jain community, but also to demonstrate the explanatory power, the usefulness and effectiveness of Jain religious principles in everyday-life contexts, and hence to influence their audience to embrace Jainism.
It is because of the ascetic's long-term intention to provoke changes in the actual behaviour of their audiences that Jain narratives can and must be studied not only as poetry but also as instruments of persuasion. The hypothesis guiding the following discussion is that the narration of conflicts and violence is used in conversion stories as an essential rhetorical device for the effective communication of the Jain principles of non-violence.[47] The structure of the conflicts between the pivotal characters is focal and often carefully constructed in such a way as to reverberate with life experiences of their intended audience.[48]
1.2 Allusion and Malapropism
The rhetorical practices of Jain ascetics, who delicately manipulate and influence, prabhāvita, members of society to support their religion, are not only historically documented, but also a well-known motif of Jain literature and doctrine. The Bhavisattakaha (BK), a tenth-century Apabhraṃśa text written by the Jain layman Dhaṇapāla, for instance, after narrating the previous lives of the hero with a focus on the karmic consequences of previous actions, culminates in the description of the effect of the sermon of the monk Vimalabuddhi on king Bhaviṣyadatta, who is shaken by it to such an extent that he resolves to become a monk.[49] The Līlāvatīsārā (LS) of Jinaratnasūri, composed in Sanskrit in 1285 C.E., is another example of the numerous Jain narratives in which the motif of conversion due to an insight inducing sermons plays a central role.[50] The famous 'conversion' of the historical Chaulukya king Kumārapāla (r. 11431172) through a sermon of Hemacandrasūri (10891173) is depicted in Merutuṅga's fourteenth-century Prabandhacintāmaṇi (PCM) as the result of a carefully devised long-term strategy of the ācārya,[51] who says to himself:
A man must be a king in his own right, or he must get some king under his influence. But there is no other way by which human beings can attain their ends.[52]
Merutuṅga narrates at length the rhetorical tricks which Hemacandra supposedly used to convert the king to practice Jainism without openly challenging his stern belief in Śaivism, the dominant religion of most royal families in Hindu India. The Prabandhacintāmaṇi explicitly talks about the "use of words intentionally ambiguous"[53] by Jain ascetics who wish to achieve their aim to promote Jainism.[54]
Modern scholars, such as Bruhn,[55] Balbir[56] and Granoff,[57] identified general rhetorical features of medieval Jain story literature, which, on the whole, was not very innovative, but relied on the appropriation and strategic reinterpretation of popular folklore and older brāhmaṇical literature, as previous scholars had pointed out.[58] Following Winternitz,[59] many authors highlighted the method of Verballhornung as characteristic for Jain versions of popular literature.[60] Balbir followed the standard English translation of the word as 'bowlderization', that is, the ways in which "passages considered indecent or indelicate are expurgated".[61] However, in the present case the word is better translated as 'malapropism', that is, deliberate or tendentious corruption. Balbir herself notices puzzling 'counterexamples' and a prevalence of references to violence and conflict in Jain literature:
The focus on narratives connected with hiṃsā is not the result of a deliberate choice; it is undoubtedly a recurring difficult point, though certainly not the only one.[62]
Granoff similarly argued that the Śvetāmbara authors of medieval Jain miracle stories deliberately refrain from references to conflicts and philosophical arguments in order to avoid sectarian divisions, but instead use the methods of 'repetition of familiar stories' and 'allusion' as key devices for the fabrication of an 'all-integrative group image' with an appeal to a wide audience of believers.[63] It is, however, apparent that even the somewhat polemical miracle story of the conversion of Kumārapāla in the Prabandhacintāmaṇi does not fit into a theory of the social function of non-controversial imagery for the Śvetāmbara group-integration.[64] It would seem that one cannot understand the apparent contradiction between a religion propagating absolute non-violence and its own vast body of religious literature prominently depicting acts of violence by studying only the stories themselves from a perspective of doctrinal hermeneutics. One has to take into account the social uses of these stories in ritualized contexts of sermons and debates for the promulgation of the creed, and to investigate their social implications and functions to appreciate the apparently inappropriate depiction of acts of conflict and violence in the chosen narratives. "The essential element", J.C. Jain suggested, "is the narrator-audience relationship which takes a literary form in the course of time, becoming didactic due to the new demands of the social situation."[65]
The importance of widely used poetic techniques such as malapropism and allusion (which I see as intrinsically interconnected in the cases at hand) has often been highlighted. However, the main difficulty involved in understanding the rhetoric of medieval Jain stories the necessary element of symbolic violence in rhetoric and the role of narrations of conflict in Jain stories is yet to be addressed.[66] The following suggestion is but one step towards a solution of this conundrum. The key rhetorical strategy of Jain moral tales, I argue, is the intentional construction and 'exploitation' of conversational implicatures for the purpose of evoking experiences of insight, samyag-darśana, or conversion, pratibodhi, through techniques of defamiliarization,[67] displacement, and the violation of expectations,[68] as analyzed by psychoanalysis, philosophical pragmatism[69] and sociolinguistics.[70] It cannot be the principal aim of Jain ascetics to use 'allusions' in order to incorporate as many facets of life as possible, rather than promoting their doctrine in such a way as to achieve pragmatic effects. In the next section I will discuss the ways in which the telling of a story focusing on violence and its potential psychological and social consequences may be connected. But first I need to clarify what I see as the core strategy of Jain narratives the frequently reported prevalence of intentionally polyvalent language usage[71] and the technique of disguising moral teachings in the cloak of popular story motifs.[72]
1.3 Deep Meaning and Symbolic Violence
I interpret the use of allusions in Jain narratives not as means for achieving social harmony, but as a preliminary rhetoric device intended to generate conversational cooperation to be subsequently exploited by Verballhornung and similar rhetorical strategies. In order to influence an often entirely unfamiliar audience, the mendicant, the paradigmatic narrator, needs to establish first a common ground between speaker (writer) and hearer (reader). This is usually done with the help of allusions to common-places (familiar situations, stories, typical social conflicts etc.) which will involve the audience and attract emotional commitment. Only if a relationship of cooperation between speaker and audience is established can second order processes of manipulation and 'flouting' of this relationship be potentially effective. Poetic techniques such as the displacement or malapropism of words or symbolical language can only be pragmatically successfully when the linguistic communication is embedded in a pre-established process of (conversational) interaction.[73] Filliozat rightly stressed that This kind of literary narration, meant first to catch the attention and then to preach for conversion, is not peculiar to Jaina literature, but is common to many religious works of edification in India.7[74]
However, which conversational opener and type of story will be chosen in a given situation depends to a large extent on the prevalent 'conditions of acceptability' in a particular audience, which indirectly determine the range of possible rhetorical strategies.[75] The choice of didactic narratives by Jain ascetics needs to reflect the social ethos that is predominant in a given 'speech situation'. Like all trained orators, Jain monks learn to carefully assess their audience,[76] and tend to choose and change universally popular themes and stories[77] in order to be able to address and exploit or transform the sentiments of the masses.[78]
Once conversational cooperation is established, intentional multivocal language can be potentially successfully used, usually at the end of a narrative, for achieving either purely aesthetic or (eventually) psychological effects (e.g. insight or conversion). The principal type of intentional multivocality, the relationship between deceptive surface meaning and hidden truth, informing Jain narratives, I argue, is rooted in Jain ontological dualism. The projection of the categories of Jain doctrinal dualism generates an effect which may be called 'ontological ambiguity': the distinction between surface meaning and deep meaning, which has the potential to infuse any given preconception or common sense assumption with an element of uncertainty. In other words, the underlying intentionality informing the rhetoric of Jain conversion stories is ultimately Jain ontology itself.
Intentional multivocality was already identified as a universal characteristic of Jain narrative literature by authors such as Hertel,[79] J.C. Jain,[80] and others. Often, they noted, Jain narratives apparently do not mean what they say, or, the other way round, what they say is not what they really mean.[81] This phenomenon has been described in terms of a 'disguise' of the general strategic aim of religious conversion under the mantle of entertainment. Mone, for instance, concludes with regard to the Kīcaka-episode in the Jain Mahābhārata:
Thus preaching on religion and its ethic and popularising the doctrine is the only purpose of the author, as revealed through his story. Under the guise of tale-telling, there appears moral and life-regulating precepts this so happens in every such Jaina narrative.[82]
A good example of this general rhetorical strategy of Jain narratives to disguise religious meanings with a worldly plot is the frequent use of love stories, kāma kathā, to attract the attention of an audience. The obvious problem, as J.C. Jain notes, is that the surface content of love stories cannot possibly be in concordance with the underlying religious intentions of Jainism, nor with the merchant ethos of most Jain families:
Since the Jains were always a mercantile community, and therefore were more attracted to stories relating to wealth, the above literary emphasis on artha is understandable. What is more problematic is why so many Jain stories are so rich in the theme of kāma or romantic love.[83]
The pragmatic reason for using love stories is of course first to attract the attention of the listeners and then to infuse them with moral insight. Love stories are just a disguise for the transmission of Jain doctrines: a sweet coating of the bitter pill of morality. However, "Sometimes the disguise is so good that the moral or teaching element... is difficult to find".[84]
The structural relationship between surface meaning (phenomenal appearance) and disguised meaning (noumenal essence) is in Jainism always interpreted in terms of the ontology of jīva and ajīva. Jīva, the true inner essence of things, is hidden under the external guise of its karmic shackles. Truth, according to Jainism, can be found hidden under the fetters of untruth, like the soul in the body, the gold in the rock, the lotus in the mud, the king amongst the people, etc. Popular narratives are conceived in similar ways as 'vehicles' for the communication of Jain principles which constitute their underlying eternal 'truth'.
In Jain philosophical terms,[85] the general rhetoric strategy employed by Jain ascetics is the juxtaposition of the perspectives of the worldly or conventional point of view, vyavahāra-naya (VN), and the transcendental point of view, pāramārthika-naya (PN),[86] in such a way, that the commonsensical perception of the surface meaning of a story or event is progressively altered as the story unfolds through the confrontation with the point of view of the omniscient Jinas conveyed by Jain ascetics and their retrospective interpretations of the karmic consequences of earlier actions of the pivotal characters.[87]
Most Jain narratives exploit the implications of the Jain karman theory by narrating in which ways karman accumulated in a previous existence bears fruit in the next, the so called avadāna motif.[88] The popular nidāna stories are a subcategory of avadāna stories. They illustrate the negative consequences of bad karman, accrued for instance by performing penance for worldly gains,[89] or how two or more protagonists are "held in relation to one another by the tie of love or hatred through a succession of parallel births."[90]
1.4 Social Implication
This retrospective mode of interpretation operates in a similar way as the expiatory Jain rituals of self-retrospection, pratikramaṇa, of which, one might argue, Jain conversion stories are but a reflexive form.[91] Similar to pratikramaṇa rites, retrospection as a narrative motif or technique creates reflective distance and enables the discrimination and objectification of elements of 'karmic delusion' and their separation from the 'true nature of the self'. The process of reflexive differentiation of karman and jīva is predicated on the analysis of the different outcomes of actions informed by worldly orientations (VN) and transcendental orientations (PN), through the comparison of consequences and antecedences of actions from the objective point of view of a quasi-omniscient narrator.[92] In this way, religious 'truth' and 'illusion' become distinguishable and the potential for purification is furthered. The meaning of life, or of segments thereof, is thus apprehended "by looking back over a temporal process in which every part of the process is assessed by its contribution to the total result".[93] The retrospective identification of underlying principles which explain a series of apparently contingent events is a strategy of ontologization, of projecting or implanting preconceived categories into narrated 'lived experience' which in turn seems to confirm the validity of the categories itself and weakens the psychological resistance to acceptance.[94] Jain conversion stories, or dharmakathās, always culminate in the insight, renunciation and final salvation of the hero of the story. It may be argued that Jain texts with a greater historical content, such as the monastic chronicles, are resistant to ontological projections. However, even a cursory look at the material shows that they are similarly framed by cosmological and soteriological conceptions. The chronologies of the monastic orders, the paṭṭāvalīs, generally begin with the death of Mahāvīra and construct a mostly imaginative but not entirely invented link of successions up to the present, but also anticipate the end of their line in the not too distant future, as predicted by Mahāvīra in view of the unchangeable cosmological time-cycles. In the light of the Jain 'higher critique' it ultimately does not matter at what time one ācārya was preceded by another, except for often deliberately historically inaccurate sectarian historiography. The only thing that counts is the soteriological trajectory of the individual soul. Through the method of retrospective reinterpretation the surface meaning of both purely fictitious narratives and chronologies can be 'flouted' through acts of "salvific exploitation".[95] In this process, intentional multivocality is produced precisely by "reducing the polysemantic possibilities to a single interpretation",[96] that is, to the author's preferred version of Jain doctrine, to create effects of religious 'insight' and to force the 'social implication' of behavioural change.[97] This can be done in such a way that the surface plot itself is hardly touched at all:
For the moral teaching imparted by the story does not lie in the events themselves as they are related in the tale, but in the explanation which the kevalin gives at the end of this story. This kevalin shows that all the misfortunes undergone by the persons which act a part in his narrative, have been caused by bad deeds, and that all their good luck has been caused by good actions, done by them in previous existences. It is clear that this method of teaching morals is applicable to any story whatsoever... the consequence of this fact is, that no story-telling monk is obliged to alter any story handed down to him, and that, from this reason, Jainstories are much more reliable sources of folk-lore then the stories handed down in the books of the Bauddhas.[98]
From a discourse theoretical point of view, the intended effect of including the exegesis as an integral part of a story is to force a 'social' implication upon the audience, who should realise the principles of non-violence in their own life. Forcing a 'social implicature' upon an audience is achieved less through the textual rhetorics itself than though the normative impact of the setting. As W. Iser argues, the textual and social meaning of a text is created to a large extent by the "actions involved in responding to the text",[99] that is, the interpretations and reactions of the listeners or readers. A literary work is not the text itself, but the end product of the interaction between text and the individual reader, who finally 'realizes' (konkretisiert) its implied meaning:
The text provokes certain expectations which in turn we project on to the text in such a way that we reduce the polysemantic possibilities to a single interpretation in keeping with the expectations aroused, thus extracting an individual, configurative meaning. The polysemantic nature of the text and the illusion-making of the reader are opposed factors.[100]
There are two aspects to our notion of social implication. From a disinterested phenomenological point of view every sentence is a multivocal statement: "the sentence does not consist solely of a statement... but aims at something which is beyond what it actually says".[101] The unbiased individual reader reduces the range of possible intentional sentence correlatives according to his or her own individual dispositions and in this way creates textual meaning. A sermon, however, is a normatively regulated setting with pre-structured social expectations and limited freedom of unchecked individual interpretation in the face of self-referential narrative hermeneutics. Only from pragmatic and sociolinguistic, for instance Gricean perspectives, the normative presuppositions of discourse come into view. Here, not only the intentional sentence correlatives created by isolated readers constitute the crucial 'unsaid' dimension of a text, but the doctrine-based social intention of the speaker expressed in a normatively regulated speech situation which might be 'realised' or not by individual listeners.[102]
1.5 Self-Exegesis
What the narrative cliché of a text-immanent Jain exegesis added at the end of a Jain narrative text does, I would argue, is to further reduce the range of possible interpretations for the audience by introducing a sense of normative intentionality into imported fictional or historical tales (if one wishes to use such a distinction), and to suggest both a ontologically 'true' and a pragmatic interpretation, which retrospectively through contrast reveals the 'illusory' character of the audiences prior responses to the early sections of the story and supplants it with its own, supposedly 'higher' or 'deeper', form of interpretation. The superiority of the doctrinally informed ascetic interpretation over interpretation of other narrative characters is partly a consequence of its retrospective mode of presentation, which allows for detached, transcendent systematicity, whereas prior responses are, as Iser shows in his work, time-related and built on constantly changing perspectives. The effect of the self-referential exegesis within the text is the creation of systematic ambiguity of the elements of the story which, through the additional interpretation from the teleological, 'ultimate point of view', gain a 'symbolic', multivocal character[103] for an audience whose 'natural response' to the narrated events is to be shaken in order to prepare the ground for potential effects of religious insight.[104] In proposing a more powerful causal explanation of the narrated events on the basis of their karman theory, ascetic characters demonstrate the 'illusory' character of prior interpretations and thus confronts the members of the audience, who were initially enticed to identify with the main heroes of the story, with a contrast between the univocal 'truth' of Jainism and their own deficient, obviously highly ambiguous interpretations.[105] Frustration on the part of the listener is, however, prevented through the pragmatic, teleological scheme of interpretation which suggests practical ways of how to avoid further 'self-deception' through a real change of life.[106] In this way, by using 'salvific violence' and indirectly attacking personal responses, and by implanting a 'pragmatic' interpretation into a 'fictional' text, the worldly desires of the audience may be momentarily reoriented toward implementing Jain ideals of nonviolence. This strategy of 'destroying' the profane universe of conventional meanings thus operates similar to the tantric use of intentional language, saṃdhyā bhāṣā, which, as Eliade[107] and Bharati[108] have shown, uses the methods of 'flouting' common sense meanings in order to create a 'paradoxical situation' which elicits experiences of insight and behavioural pressures.
The authors of (medieval) Jain stories have succeeded in transforming popular tales, biographies and histories into conversion stories with a hidden didactic and hence social intention in mind, that is, to evoke similar experiences as narrated in the story in their audience to effect progressive acts of renunciation. This is achieved particularly through the violation of the expectations of the audience, and the inclusion of the character of the interpreting ascetic into the story. Here, the narrated transcendent perspective of pāramārthikanaya and the long-term dogmatic intention, abhiprāya, of the narrator seem to merge in such a way that real life and the events of the story become temporarily indistinguishable.
Earlier version of this paper were read to the Hindu Studies Seminar at the School of Oriental and Africa Studies in London, 25 November 1992, to the Jains in Indian History and Culture Workshop at Amherst College, 2427 June 1993, and to the conference Geschichten und Geschichte in München 67 August 2007, organized by the Arbeitskreis Asiatische Religionsgeschichte (AKAR) and the Zentrum für Buddhismusforschung (ZfB) of the Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München. I would like to thank the participants of all three seminars for their comments. I am grateful to the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) for awarding me a travel grant that enabled me to participate at the Jain Workshop in Amherst, and to the organisers of the AKAR conference for arranging my visit to München. The prolegomenon to this article, "Power and Insight in Jaina Discourse", is published in: P. Balcerowicz (ed.), Logic and Belief in Indian Philosophy (Warsaw, 2010): 85217. The argument and much of the text remains essentially unchanged since 1996 when the paper was prepared for publication, but an additional introductory section, cosmetic changes and updated references have been added.
See H. Jacobi, "Das Kâlakâcārya-Kathânakam", Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 34 (1880): 250; J. Hertel, "Die Erzählungsliteratur der Jains", Geist des Ostens 1, 35 (Leipzig, 1913): 185f. (who designates caritras and kathās as "Märchenromane"); K. Bruhn, Śīlānkas Cauppaṇṇamahāpurisacariya: Ein Beitrag zur Kenntnis der Jaina-Universalgeschichte (Hamburg, 1954): 114; J. E. Cort, "An Overview of the Jaina Purānas", in: W. Doniger (ed.), Purāṇa Perennis: Reciprocity and Transformation in Hindu and Jaina Texts (Albany, 1993): 187f.; N. Balbir, "Formes et terminologie du narratif jaina ancien", in: N. Balbir (ed.), Genres littéraires en Inde (Paris: Presses de l'Université de la Sorbonne Nouvelle, 1993): 224f.; J. E. Cort, "Genres of Jain History", Journal of Indian Philosophy 23 (1995): 477; etc.
On the evolution and historical content of the various itihāsa-purāṇa genres in general, especially the historical biography or caritra (P. carita), see P. Hacker, "Purāṇen und Geschichte des Hinduismus: Methodologische, programmatische und geistesgeschichtliche Bemerkungen", Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 55 (1960): 34154; V. S. Pathak, Ancient Histories of India (Bombay: Asia Publishing, 1966); A. Dasgupta, "Biography: A Māyā? The Indian Point of Departure", in: M.H. Zaidi (ed.), Biography and Autobiography in Modern South Asian Regional Literatures (Heidel berg, 1976): 417; K. K. Dasgupta, "Ancient Indian Biography", in: S. P. Sen (ed.), Historical Biography in Indian Literature (Calcutta, 1979): 124; R. Thapar, "Social and Historical Consciousness: The Itihāsa-Purāṇa Tradition", in: S. Bhattacharya & R. Thapar (eds.), Situating Indian History (Delhi, 1986): 35383.
On these genres of Jain history, see Cort, "Genres", 48090, and P. Flügel, "Protestantische und Post-Protestantische Jaina Reformbewegungen: Zur Geschichte und Organisation der Sthānakavāsī II", Berliner Indologische Studien 1517 (2003): 178 82, 1946.
See N. P. Ziegler, "The Seventeenth Century Chronicles of Mārvāṛa: A Study in the Evolution and Use of Oral Traditions in Western India", History in Africa 3 (1976): 12831 for further vernacular genres. Khyāta is related to Sanskrit khyāti, fame, renown, glory.
M. Bloomfield, "On Recurring Psychic Motifs in Hindu Fiction", Journal of the American Oriental Society 36 (1917b): 54f. describes the bṛhat-kathās as "secular fiction", and the "Caritas or Prabandhas" as "quasi-chronicles" which are "invariably based upon the lives of real historical persons, mostly Jain saints, and emperors (cakravartins) and kings who were, or are said to have been votaries of the Jinistic faith. There is no question that they state some events that actually happened." In his view, the kathās (P. kahā) or kathānakas "seem to differ from the Caritas in that they moralize more directly and obviously (dhammakahā), but they also are intimately connected with the traditional names of saints, emperors and kings" (ib.). See H. M. Johnson, "Kathā and Vṛttaka", Indian Antiquary 56 (1927): 17 for the distinction between kathās, "adventures of men of former times", prabandhas, "the biography of men of later times", and caritras, "the biography of any one" (including the Jinas). On prabandhas, see also LPS; J. Deleu, "A Note on the Jain Prabandhas", in: K. Bruhn & A. Wezler (eds.), Studien zum Jainismus und Buddhismus: Gedenkschrift für Ludwig Alsdorf. Alt und Neuindische Studien 23 (Wiesbaden, 1981): 6172; P. Granoff, "Jain Biographies: Selections from the Prabandhakośa, Kharataragacchabṛhadgurvāvali, Vṛddhācāryaprabandhāvali, and the Ākhyānakamaṇikośa", in: P. Granoff (ed.) The Clever Adulteress and other Stories: A Treasury of Jain Literature (Oakville: Mosaic Press, 1990): 140181. A. M. Ghatage, "Narrative Literature in Jain Māhārāṣṭrī", Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 16 (1935): 28 writes on prabandhas: "Though dealing with historical themes, their value for history is small, and the spirit of religious preaching dominates them throughout."
See J. Hertel, "Narrative Literature of the Jainas", Shrī Jain Shvetāmbar Conference Herald 11 (1915): 227; J. Hertel, On the Literature of the Shvetambaras of Gujarat (Leipzig, 1922); J. C. Jain, Life in Ancient India as Depicted in the Jain Canons (Bombay, 1947), etc., on the importance of Jain narrative literature for the study of folklore.
See Jacobi's, "Kâlakâcārya-Kathânakam", exemplary analysis of the historical contents of the Kālakācārya-Kathānakam, which identifies the marks of deliberate invention and reordering of the names in the sthavirāvalīs etc. according to nonhistoriographical priorities: "In Legende und Sage werden Ereignisse und Personen der Geschichte und Mythe, wie im Traume nicht zusammengehörige Erlebnisse, zu einem neuen Bilde scheinbarer Wirklichkeit vereinigt. In beiden Fällen schliessen sich die ursprünglich isolierten oder anders geordneten Momente der Erinnerung des einzelnen sowie des Volkes nach den Gesetzen der Ideenassociation aneinander, dessen Wirkung nie im Voraus bestimmt werden kann, daher wir niemals die Wirklichkeit aus Traum oder Sage mit Sicherheit reconstruieren können" (ib., p. 250). See also W. N. Brown, The Story of Kālaka (Washington: Smithsonian Institution Freer Gallery of Art, 1933). The unreliable nature of many Jain depictions of Indian chronological history has also been demonstrated by other authors. S. Jha, Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology (Delhi, 1978): 11852, for instance, showed that the depictions of the Ikṣvāku lineage in the Jain Purāṇas are derived from the Brāhmaṇical epics and purāṇas, and that what is original in them is based on "arbitrary alterations" (ib., p. 152). According to Dasgupta, "Ancient Indian Biography": 15, even inscriptions of early India "rarely narrate the events of the life of a king in a chronological order", while omitting facts and invariably observing the literary convention of bestowing "unqualified praise" on their heroes (ib., p. 19). Cf. M. M. Rahman, Encyclopedia of Historiography (New Delhi: Anmol Publications, 2006): 3f. who distinguishes between "history based on legends", such as the Kālakācārya-Kathānakam, and "historical events in legendary form", such as the Jaina purāṇas. Cf. H. M. Johnson's, "Historical References in Hemacandra's Mahāvīracaritra", Journal of the American Oriental Society 45 (1925): 301310, analysis of the "historical content" of Hemacandra's 12th c. Mahāvīracaritra in the TŚPC
Bruhn, Cauppaṇṇamahāpurisacariya, 117f.; K. Bruhn, "Introduction to Śīlāṅka's Cauppaṇṇamahāpurisacariya", in: A. M. Bhojak (ed.), Cauppaṇṇamahāpurisacariyam by Ācārya Śrī Śīlāṅka (Ahmadabad, 1961): 12, 19. See also A. K. Warder, "Jaina Historiography and the Legend of Vikramāditya", in: An Introduction to Indian Historiography (Bombay, 1972): 36.
On the early Mahāvīra biographies, excluding ĀS2 1.8.1, see Bruhn, Cauppaṇṇamahāpurisacariya, Cauppaṇṇamahāpurisacariya, 4042, 11517; Bruhn, "Introduction", 1216; B. Bhatt, "Ācāra-Cūlās and -Niryukti. Studies II (Mahāvīrabiography)", in: R. Smet & K. Watanabe (eds.), Jain Studies in Honour of Jozef Deleu (Tokyo, 1993): 85121. Both conclude that "The biography itself is more legendary than historical" (p. 85).
Following L. Alsdorf, Harivaṃśapurāṇa (Hamburg: Friedrichsen/de Gruyter, 1936), who distinguished Jaina "world history" and "universal history", K. Bruhn, "Repetition in Jain Narrative Literature", Indologica Taurinensia 11 (1983): 37 defined Jaina "universal history", somewhat paradoxically, in terms of "a definite mythological subject, the history of the sixty-three great men". Cort, "Overview", 195, first reiterated this definition, but later introduced the new but equally ambivalent term "localised history" (which echoes the "global / local" opposition), referring either to a specific text, sect, place, or person, to describe accounts of the lives of great personalities within particular sectarian traditions: "the histories of the Jain tradition in the centuries since the death and liberation of Mahāvīra" (Cort, "Genres", 480, cf. 473, 479). Both definitions are both too specific and too vague for the general analysis of "historical narratives of great beings" ("social history" is outside the radar of Jain sources), and do not account for cosmological themes. P. Flügel, "The Unknown Loṅkā: Tradition and the Cultural Unconscious", in: C. Caillat & N. Balbir (eds.), Jaina Studies (Delhi, 2008): 199, n. 72 therefore differentiated between "cosmologyical history", "universal history", as defined for the Jaina context by Bruhn, "sectarian history", and "chronological history".
Cort, "Genres", 480, 489f. See the paradigmatic study of P. Lutgendorf, The Life of a Text: Performing the Rāmacaritmānas of Tulsidas (Berkeley, 1991). In the Śvetāmbara tradition, the list of succession after Mahāvīra in the Nandīsūtra (NS12 vv. 25 50) and the paṭṭāvalī of the specific monastic order are often recited at the occasion of initiation or dīkṣā. See Cort, "Genres", 480; for other performative contexts: ib., pp. 489f. On the didactic and social functions of religious biographies and hero-tales see also J. C. Jain, Prakrit Narrative Literature: Origin and Growth (New Delhi, 1981): 11 (morality) and Thapar, "Itihāsa-Purāṇa Tradition", 378 (eulogy & legitimation), who introduced the distinction between 'embedded' (myth, epic, genealogy) and 'disembedded' (chronicles, biographies of persons of authority) forms of historical consciousness in South Asia, associating them respectively with 'lineage' and 'statebased societies' (ib., p. 354). See also Flügel, "Geschichte und Organisation", 1946 on the modern trend in centralized monastic orders of substituting conventional lineage histories with disembedded biographies of isolated individual great beings who transcend and potentially integrate several different lineages if serving as a common reference point. In the same way as genealogies, gurvāvalīs, are encompassed by succession lists, paṭṭāvalīs, succession lists are encompassed by "superbiographies" of selected monastic leaders who rule over several different monastic orders and hence cannot be pinned down to one single line of succession down to Mahāvīra. In cases such as this, lineage-history has to be suspended, and legitimacy established through direct reference to the principal sources of religious authority.
Bruhn, Cauppaṇṇamahāpurisacariya, 114f. distinguishes "historical data", "legend" (motifs that are specific for a given text), and "hagiology" (motifs shared by similar texts), and studies their interrelation within one and the same caritra or purāṇa, weaving biographical, hagiographical and historiographical elements into systematically conceived textual wholes. He distinguishes furthermore between "historical biography" and "extended biography" (including previous and future lives). Cort, "Overview", 279 n. 4 questions the usefulness of the distinction between "biography" and "hagiography" altogether, but defines the Jaina purāṇa in a similar way as "a postcanonical biographical kāvya that has much overlap with the genre of story" (ib., p. 187f.).
See Balbir, "Formes", 233 on the pragmatic orientation of dharmakathās; and P. Granoff, "Véronique Bouillier, Ascètes et Rois: Un Monastère de Kanphata Yogis au Nepal, Paris: CNRS Ethnologie, 1997", Journal of Indian Philosophy 27 (1999): 501 for the "marked emphasis on conversion" in (both Sufi and) Jain hagiographies, in the Jain prabandhas and gacchāvalīs.
K. Bruhn "Five Vows and Six Avashyakas: The Fundamentals of Jaina Ethics". Ed. C. Geerdes, 19971998. http://here-now4u.de/eng/spr/religion/Bruhn.html.V.1 (Date of access 23.11.2009).
For parallels in European classical antiquity, see A. Dihle, Die Entstehung der historischen Biographie (Heidelberg, 1987): 9 who stresses the difference between the great biography, which emerged in the contexts of ethical theory, and historiography.
Cf. A. Whiteside, "The Double-Bind: Self-Referring Poetry", in: A. Whiteside & M. Issacharoff (eds.), On Referring in Literature (Bloomington, 1987): 1432.
Amongst reported reasons for conversion amongst contemporary Terapanth mendicants: 7% of the respondents (11% male, 6% female) mentioned a pre-existing religious disposition and religious experiences, triggered by natural events, films, deities, and religious literature as a factor; 20% (33% male, 16% female) mentioned that they were attracted by a particular monk or nun. See P. Flügel, "Jain Monastic Life: A Quantitative Study of the Terāpanth Śvetāmbara Mendicant Order", Jaina Studies Newsletter of the Centre of Jaina Studies 4 (2009): 26
See H. Jacobi, "Introduction", in: H. Jacobi (ed.), Haribhadra. Samarāicca Kahā. A Jaina Prakrit Work, vol. 1 (Calcutta, 1926): xviii ff. on Haribhadra's division of Jain story literature in artha-, kāma, saṃkīrṇa-, and dharma-kathā, of three types of hearers: tāmasa, rājasa and sāttvika, and on the significance of the motif of karmic retribution or nidāna of bad karman.
cauvvihā kahā paṇṇattā, taṃ jahā akkhevaṇī, vikkhevaṇī, saṃveyaṇī, nivvedaṇī [nivve(g)aṇī] ||246|| (1) akkhevaṇī kahā cauvvihā paṇṇattā, taṃ jahā āyāra-akkhevaṇī, vavahāraakkhevaṇī, paṇṇatti-akkhevaṇī, diṭṭhivāya-akkhevaṇī ||247|| (2) vikkhevaṇī kahā cauvvihā paṇṇattā, taṃ jahā (i) sasamayaṃ kahei, sasamayaṃ kahittā parasamayaṃ kahei, (ii) parasamayaṃ kahettā sasamayaṃ ṭhāvaittā bhavati, (iii) sammāvāyaṃ kahei, sammāvāyaṃ kahettā micchāvāyaṃ kaheti, (iv) micchāvāyaṃ kahettā sammāvāyaṃ ṭhāivattā bahavati ||248|| (3) saṃveyaṇī kahā cauvvihā paṇṇattā, taṃ jahā ihaloga-saṃveyaṇī, paralogasaṃveyaṇī, āta-sarīra-saṃveyaṇī, para-sarīra-saṃveyaṇī ||249|| (4) nivvedaṇī kahā cauvvihā paṇṇattā, taṃ jahā (i) ihaloge ducciṇṇā kammā ihaloge duhaphalavivāgasaṃjuttā bhavaṃti | (ii) ihaloge ducciṇṇā kammā paraloge duhaphalavivāgasaṃjuttā bhavaṃti, (iii) paraloge ducciṇṇā kammā ihaloge duhaphalavivāgasaṃjuttā bhavaṃti, (iv) paraloge ducciṇṇā kammā paraloge duhaphalavivāgasaṃjuttā bhavaṃti | (i) ihaloge succiṇṇā kammā ihaloge suhaphalavivāgasaṃjuttā bhavaṃti | (ii) ihaloge succiṇṇā kammā paraloge suhaphalavivāgasaṃjuttā bhavaṃti, [(iii) paraloge succiṇṇā kammā ihaloge suhaphalavivāgasaṃjuttā bhavaṃti, (iv) paraloge succiṇṇā kammā paraloge suhaphalavivāgasaṃjuttā bhavaṃti ] ||250|| (Ṭhāṇa12 4.2.246250)
They are of four types: (1) Describing the attractive conduct of Jain mendicants and laity to the listeners. (2) Explaining the advantages and disadvantages of atonements. (3) Collecting and removing doubts. (4) Exposing the truth by adopting different standpoints according to the listeners'abilities (Ṭhāṇa12 4.2.247). M. Ratnacandra (comp.), Sacitra Ardhamāgadhī Kośa (Delhi, 1923/1988): vol. 1: 62, defines akkheva (S. ākṣepa) as: "Stating one's doubts and objections as to the soundness of reasoned principle".
They are of four types: (1) Stating one's own doctrine, and then stating other doctrines. (2) Stating first other doctrines, and then establishing one's own doctrine. (3) Stating first the right principles, and then the wrong principles. (4) Stating first the wrong principles, and then the right principles (Ṭhāṇa12 4.2.248).
They are of four types: (1) Pointing to the worthlessness and transient nature of human life. (2) Pointing to the worthlessness and transient nature of forms of existence in other worlds (gods, hell-beings, animals and plants). (3) Pointing to the impurity of one's own body. (4) Pointing to the impurity of others' bodies (Ṭhāṇa12 4.2.249).
They are of four types [actually eight]: (1) Pointing to the bitter fruits in this life of bad karman acquired in this life. (2) Pointing to the bitter fruits in the next life of bad karman acquired in this life. (3) Pointing to the bitter fruits in this life of bad karman acquired in the past life. (4) Pointing to the bitter fruits in the next life of bad karman acquired in the past life. (1) Pointing to the pleasant fruits in this life of good karman acquired in this life. (2) Pointing to the pleasant fruits in the next life of good karman acquired in this life. (3) Pointing to the pleasant fruits in this life of good karman acquired in the past life. (4) Pointing to the pleasant fruits in the next life of good karman acquired in the past life (Ṭhāṇa12 4.2.250).
I use the word 'conversion' here in the conventional sense, used by translators of Jain texts to describe references to events of spiritual insight, samyag-darśana or samyaktva. Cf. P. S. Jaini, The Jaina Path of Purification (Berkeley, 1979): 13456. Since Jainism is not an exclusive movement but a 'religion of the individual' which can coexist with different types of 'group religions', there are no Jain equivalents to the English common-sense meaning of the word conversion, which primarily refers the entry into a social institution, like the Christian 'church'. Jains use a wide variety of words expressing the temporary experience of a spiritual transformation, e.g. vairāgya, indifference to the world, saṃvega, agitation leading to disenchantment, pratibuddha, awakening, pratyekabodhi, enlightenment by a tributary cause (often wrongly rendered enlightenment by oneself according to J.C. Wright [personal communication]), or bodhita, enlightenment through instruction. Cf. M. Bloomfield, "The Śālibhadra Carita: A Story of Conversion to Jaina Monkhood", Journal of the American Oriental Society 43 (1923): 275 referring to Tattvārtha-sūtra (TS) 10.7; J. Charpentier, Studien zur indischen Erzählungsliteratur I: Paccekabuddhageschichten (Uppsala, 1908). Conversion in the emphatic sense is not primarily predicated on cognitive 'insight' and acceptance of the 'rightness' of Jain doctrine, but on the 'direct experience' of the soul/self, provoking changes in behavior. For depictions of 'total' transformations through the influence of Jain monks, see L. A. Babb, "Monks and Miracles: Religious Symbols and Images of Origin among Osval Jains", Journal of Asian Studies 52, 1 (1993): 11. Cf. Flügel, "Power and Insight", 91, n. 20f.
"The Śvetāmbara monks used these stories as the most effective means of spreading their doctrines amongst their countrymen and developed a real art of narratives in all... languages" (Hertel, Literature, 6). See also A. N. Upadhye, "Prakrit Studies: Their Literary and Philosophical Value", in: K. R. Chandra (ed.), Proceedings of the Seminar on Prakrit Studies (1973) (Ahmedabad, 1978): xvii; J. C. Jain, Prakrit Narrative Literature, 38.
M. Winternitz, Geschichte der indischen Literatur. Zweiter Band. Die buddhistische Literatur und die heiligen Texte der Jainas (Leipzig, 1920): 317; K. K. Handiqui, Yaśastilaka and Indian Culture (Sholapur, 1949/1968): 12; C. M. Mayrhofer, "Tradition and Innovation in Jain Narratives. A Study of Two Apabhraṃśa Versions of the Story of Cārudatta", Indologica Taurinensia 11 (1983): 165.
See M. Thiel-Horstmann "Dādūpanthī Sermons", in: R.K. Barz & M. ThielHorstmann (ed.), Living Texts from India (Wiesbaden, 1989): 141183 on this "central rhetoric strategy in India" (p. 154), on creating insight (p. 144), and the dependency of performance on textual models (p. 153).
See B. K. Jain, "Ethics and Narrative Literature in the Daily Life of a Traditional Jaina Family of Agra During the Nineteen Thirties. A Study Based on my Personal Childhood Reminiscences", Indologica Taurinensia 11 (1983): 175182.
P. Granoff, "The Biographies of Siddhasena. A Study in the Texture of Allusion and the Weaving of a Group-Image (Part I)", Journal of Indian Philosophy 17, 4 (1989): 329384.
See Balbir, "Formes", 261 on "la force persuasive d'un genre qui invite l'auditeur à une participation active".
See J. Deleu, Viyāhapannatti (Bhagavaī) (Brugge, 1970): 4044, 353 for references to exemplary Jain conversion stories, "scil. conversions of such persons as are representative of the different classes of people addressed by Mahāvīra" (ib., p. 40), which became clichés for the later Jain story literature.
W. Nöth, "Self-Reference in the Media: The Semiotic Framework", in: W. Nöth & N. Bishara (ed.), Self-Reference in the Media. Berlin, 2007): 20.
See D. Hymes, "Models of the Interaction of Language and Social Life", in: J. J. Gumperz & D. Hymes (eds.), Directions in Sociolinguistics: The Ethnography of Communication (New York, 1972): 56 on this term.
Winternitz, Geschichte der indischen Literatur, 305, 342; Handiqui, Yaśastilaka, 55; J. C. Jain, Prakrit Narrative Literature, 27; etc.
C. H. Tawney, The Wishing Stone of Narratives. Merutunga's Prabhandhacintāmaṇi (Calcutta, New Series, N. 931, 1899/1901): vi.
See Flügel, "Power and Insight", for an outline of a socio-linguistic approach towards Jain literature.
Chapter 1821. See H. Jacobi (ed.), Bhavisatta Kahā von Dhanavāla: Eine JainaLegende in Apabhraṃśa. Abhandlungen der Königlich Bayrischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-philologische und historische Klasse XXIX Band, 4. Abhandlung (München, 1918): 21.
In his review of the translation by R. C. C. Fynes, The Epitome of Queen Līlāvatī by Jinaratna (New York, 2005), J. E. Cort, "An Epitome of Medieval Śvetāmbara Jain Literary Culture: A Review and Study of Jinaratnasūri's Līlāvatīsāra", International Journal of Jaina Studies (Online) 5, 1 (2009): 5f. summarised the technique attributed to Mahāvīra's disciple Sudharman in the text: "In addition, he not only unmasked the karmic past, oftentimes a frightening one, of a person in the king's midst, his sermon awakened in the perpetrator an understanding of his past lives (jātismaraṇa). The person had a sudden shock of recognition of what he had done in past lives, why he was in his current situation, and therefore who he really was. The only proper response to this spiritual awakening, to this conversion experience, is to renounce the world and become a Jain mendicant. As we read of one such person, 'having given intent and proper reflection upon the teacher's relation... [and] the glory of the memory of his former lives suddenly arisen in him because the king of reverend doctors had related it all truly,' he beseeched Sudharman, 'Lord, rescue me at once from the ocean of crookedness,' and received initiation as a monk at Sudharman's lotus feet (Vol. 1, p. 363). Each of the relevant chapters therefore ends with this triumphant event."
At many places, the PCM gives clear indications of the popularity of 'off-record' strategies amongst ascetics. See P. Brown and S. Levinson, "Universals in Language Usage: Politeness Phenomena", in: E. Goody (ed.), Question and Politeness (Cambridge, 1978): 735.
N. Balbir, "Normalizing Trends in Jaina Narrative Literature", Indologica Taurinensia 12 (1984): 2537.
See E. Leumann, "Beziehungen der Jaina-Literatur zu anderen Literaturkreisen Indiens", Actes du Sixième Congrès International des Orientalistes (Leiden, 1885): 530; H. Jacobi, Ausgewählte Erzählungen in Māhārāshtrī (Leipzig, 1886): xixxx; Hertel, Literature, 9; J. C. Jain, Prakrit Narrative Literature, 11; C. Caillat, "Introduction to Jaina Canonical and Narrative Literature", Indologica Taurinensia 11 (1983): 17.
Granoff, "Biographies of Siddhasena", 337. Similarly: M. Carrithers, Why Do Humans Have Culture? (Oxford, 1992); Babb, "Monks and Miracles", 321.
Granoff, "Biographies of Siddhasena", 380, n. 39; 383f., n. 61f. For the general sociological problem, see the general criticism of Durkheimian and Parsonian variants of functionalism.
On the role of violence in Jain discourse, see also P. Granoff, "The Violence of Non-Violence: A Study of Some Jain Responses to Non-Jain Religious Practices", Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 15, 1 (1992): 143; M. Monius, "Love, Violence, and the Aesthetics of Digust: Śaivas and Jains in Medieval South India", Journal of Indian Philosophy 32 (2004): 113172; P. Dundas, "The Non-Violence of Violence: Jain Perspectives on Warfare, Asceticism and Worship", in: J. R. Hinnells & R. King (eds.), Religion and Violence in South Asia: Theory and Practice (London, 2007): 4161; Flügel, "Power and Insight", 103ff.
"Somadeva speaks of the great transmuting power of poetry. The true poets are those whose words make familiar things unfamiliar and unfamiliar things familiar" (Handiqui, Yaśastilaka, 14).
Cf. Handiqui, Yaśastilaka, 349, 368; V. M. Kulkarni, A Treasury of Tales (Ahmedabad, 1994). The second revised edition of Dundas', The Jains (London, 2002): 101 also states that medieval exemplary stories are "intended to destabilise any fixed sense of social and familial identity and so ease the individual's path into a spiritual journey in which such ties have to be abandoned."
J. L. Austin, How to Do Things with Words (Oxford, 1962); P. Grice, "Logic and Conversation", in: P. Cohen & J. L. Morgan (eds.), Syntax and Semantics, vol. 3 (London, 1975): 4158; etc.
J. J. Gumpertz & D. Hymes (eds.), Directions in Sociolinguistics: The Ethnography of Communication (New York, 1972); etc. Cf. J. Habermas, Theorie des kommunikativen Handelns. 2 vols. (Frankfurt/M., 19801981).
Cf. Habermas, Theorie des kommunikativen Handelns; S. Moscovici, "Social Influence and Conformity", in: G. Lindzey & E. Aronson (eds.), The Handbook of Social Psychology. 3rd ed., vol. 2 (New York, 1985): 347412; I. Strecker, The Social Practice of Symbolization (London, 1988); P. Drechsel, Sozialstruktur und kommunikatives Handeln (Münster, 1994); etc.
J. Filliozat, "The Jaina Narrative Literature in South India and its Counterparts", Indologica Taurinensia 11 (1983): 99.
Cf. W. Iser, "The Reading Process: A Phenomenological Approach", New Literary History 3, 2 (1972): 279299; D. E. Haynes, Rhetoric and Ritual in Colonial India: The Shaping of a Public Culture in Surat City, 18521928 (Berkeley, 1991): 24.
See Āyāradasāo 4.2, quoted in N. Tatia & Muni Mahendra Kumar, Aspects of Jaina Monasticism (Ladnun, 1981): 32.
The audience of Jain texts is not specified and embraces potentially the whole of humanity. Jain authors have wisely chosen issues of domestic and local conflict (jealous neighbours, greedy rulers, unfaithful wives, evil brothers etc.) as take-off points of their stories, thus alluding to the near universal human desire for domestic peace, and reassuring themselves of the emotional appeal of their narration to any audience. This typical opening move simultaneously forces the implication of a more general opposition between the conflict-ridden householder and the non-violent renouncer onto the audience. In fact, most of the Jain stories are constructed in such a way, as to reveal the initially presented domestic struggles retrospectively as mere surface phenomena (karmic effects), which are determined by the underlying opposition between desire and renunciation (cf. Hertel, Literature, 6). To begin a story with domestic issues thus enables a Jain author or narrator to reinterpret the beginning of the story in the light of the insight gained at the end, which in the story will inevitably lead to an act of renunciation.
J. C. Jain, "The Importance of Vasudevahiṇḍi", Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde Süd- und Ostasiens 19 (1975): 105f. See also J. C. Jain, "Stories of Trading Merchants and Vasudevahiṇḍi", Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 55, 14 (1974): 7381.
Cf. D. S. Ruegg's, "Purport, Implicature and Presupposition: Sanskrit Abhipraya and Tibetan Dgons Pa/Dgons Gzi as Hermeneutical Concepts", Journal of Indian Philosophy 13, 4 (1985): 313 reflections on Tibetan materials.
N. N. Mone, "A Jaina View of Kīcaka-Episode in the Mahābhārata", All-India Oriental Conference Ahmedabad 1985 (1987): 324.
J. C. Jain, "Vasudevahiṇḍi", 106. The motif of disguise itself figures prominently in Jain stories; for instance, the disguise of king Kumārapāla as a Śaivite ascetic (PCM, p. 116).
On the religious role of these two perspectives in Jainism, see for instance B. Bhatt, "Vyavahāra-Naya and Niścaya-Naya in Kundakunda's Works", Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft (Supplement II), ed. W. Voigt (Wiesbaden, 1974): 279191; W. Johnson, "The Religious Function of Jaina Philosophy: Anekāntavāda Reconsidered", Religion 25 (1995): 4150; Flügel, "Power and Insight", 133ff.
SKC; AK; etc. Cf. Ruegg, "Purport, Implicature and Presupposition", 317; Zydenbos "The Jaina Nun Kavunti"; J. Ryan, "Erotic Excess and Sexual Danger in the Civakacintâmaṇi", in: J. E. Cort (ed.), Open Boundaries: Jain Communities and Culture in Indian History (Albany, 1998): 77.
On the link between Jain ritual and story literature, see also P. Granoff, "Being in the Minority: Medieval Jain Reactions to other Religious Groups", in: N. N. Bhattacharyya (ed.), Jainism and Prakrit in Ancient and Medieval India (New Delhi, 1994): 37.
See A. Jaffe's, Vanishing Points: Dickens, Narrative and the Subject of Omniscience (Berkeley, 1991): 4, perceptive observations on the analogy between an omniscient being and the creator of modern fiction, in terms of the capacity to enter a character's consciousnesses (Seymour Chatman), which equally apply to Jain narrative literature: "Knowledge appears to us only in opposition to its absence; an effect of unboundedness is created in contrast to one of limitation. Thus when omniscient narration demonstrates the ability to transcend the boundaries that confine characters, it must construct the very boundaries it displays itself transcending. Rather than being a static condition, then, the evidence of an unquestioned authority, omniscience is the inscription of a series of oppositions which mark a difference between describer and objects of description: oppositions between sympathy and irony, involvement and distance, privacy and publicity, character and narrator, self and other and, most generally, the assertion of narratorial knowledge and its absence in characters. Omniscience is an effect of narrative strategies, continually in spite of and in distinct contrast to its invisibility making itself felt" (p. 6). Jaffe also notices "the frequent use of disguise and deception" (p. 57) in nineteenth century literature (especially Dickens) and arrives at an interpretation of the motif of disguise as rooted in the idea of true knowledge which at least in literature surfaces always in a moment of surprise: "And knowledge serves no practical function and has no special power, unless power is defined as the creation of a perceptible gap between one character's knowledge and another's, a gap measured, finally, by its potential to surprise" (pp. 56f.).
Dilthey, in V. Turner, "Social Dramas and Stories about Them", Critical Inquiry 7 (1980): 157. Cf. B. Kapferer, A Celebration of Demons (Bloomington, 1983): 189.
In Hegel's Wissenschaft der Logik II (Frankfurt/M., 1969): 2435 the circle underlying the reflective process of ontologization is called 'the dialectic of positing and prepositing' (Setzen und Voraussetzen) and analysed without consideration of human psychology. R. Carnap, Meaning and Necessity (Chicago, 1950/1956): 214 argued with good reasons that the acceptance of ontological statements is always based on practical, not theoretical, reasons: "An alleged statement of the reality of the system of entities is a pseudostatement without cognitive content. To be sure, we have to face at this point an important question; but it is a practical, not a theoretical question; it is the question of whether or not to accept the new linguistic forms. The acceptance cannot be judged as being either true or false because it is not an assertion. It can only be judged as being more or less expedient, fruitful, conducive to the aim for which the language is intended. Judgments of this kind supply the motivation for the decision of accepting or rejecting the kind of entities". See also E. Morscher, "Ontology as a Normative Science", in: E. Morscher, J. Czermak & P. Weingartner (eds.), Problems in Logic and Ontology (Graz, 1977): 123.
From a pragmatic point of view, the 'salvific principle' of insight creation through acts of symbolic violence appears merely as a culturally specific norm, a systematic distortion of communication which, indeed, as Ruegg, "Purport, Implicature and Presupposition", 318 argues, cannot be inferred from the surface meaning of a communication, only elicited via a systematic hermeneutics of the doctrinal system as a whole. See also S. C. Levinson's, Presumptive Meanings: The Theory of Conversational Implicature (Cambridge/Massachusetts, 2006): 11, notion of 'preferred meanings'.
Habermas, Theorie des kommunikativen Handelns, vol. 1, argues for a primacy of the norms over speaker intention. The implications for the theoretically informed study of Jain discourse are discussed in Flügel, "Power and Insight", pp. 87ff.
'Multivocal' from the perspective of presupposed conversational norms, but 'univocal' from a phenomenological perspective, that is, reduced to a single dogmatic interpretation.
Cf. Williams, Jaina Yoga, xviii f. Hariṣeṇa's Story of King Yaśodhara, in F. Hardy, "The Story of King Yaśodhara". The Clever Adultress and Other Stories. Ed. P. Granoff. Oakville: Mosaic Press, 1990: 118139, here 129.